3 CHAPTERS 21.22.23 C E G.BUSH

Surviving the Cataclysm

George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

Chapter XXI- Omaha

On the morning of June 29, 1989, pandemonium broke out in the corridors of power in the capital. « Homosexual Prostitution probe ensnares official of Bush, Reagan, » shouted the title on the front page of the Washington Times with the kicker « Call Boys took midnight Tour of the White House. »

The Times reported, « a homosexual prostitution ring is under investigation by the federal Government and the District authorities and counts among its clients the principals of the administrations of Reagan and Bush, military officers, aid from the Congress and U.S. and foreign businessmen with ties to the political elite of Washington. »

The exposed centered on the role of a Craig Spence, an eminence Republican known for his evenings sumptuous « cocktail »power. Spence was well connected. 1988 independence day, he celebrated by doing a tour of midnight of the White House in the company of two teenage prostitutes among others in his party.

Rumors circulated that a list existed some 200 prominent Washington who used the boy to call service. Number two in charge of affairs of the White House staff, who was responsible for all high officials filling positions from the federal bureaucracy and Chief of staff of the Secretary of labor Elizabeth Dole, were two individuals publicly identified as patrons of the call boy ring.

Two of the boys of the call ring allegedly KGB officers, according to a general retired from the Defense Intelligence Agency, interviewed by the press. But the evidence seems to point to a sexual blackmail CIA operation, instead. Spence entire mansion was covered by microphones hidden, two-way mirrors and cameras video, always ready to capture the indiscretions of Washington, high, powerful and perverse. The political criteria for good sexual behaviour had long-established in Washington: any kinkiness goes, as long as you don’t get caught. The popular saying that was the only way that a politician could harm his career if he were « captured with a live boy or a dead woman » in her bed.

Months after the scandal died down, and a few weeks before he allegedly committed suicide, Spence asked who had given him the « key » to the White House. The Washington Times reported that « Mr. Spence hinted the tours were conducted by persons of ‘high level’, including Donald Gregg, Adviser to the national security to the Vice President Bush »@s1 and later Ambassador of the United States in South Korea.

We have already had the opportunity to examine the role of Don Gregg in Iran-Contra and observed his curious performance during his testimony under oath before Congressional committees. Gregg refused indignantly any connection to Spence, and yet it is publicly that Spence had sponsored a dinner in honor of Gregg in the spring of 1989 at Chic hotel of Washington Four Seasons in Georgetown.

George Bush was less happy with the media coverage, the accusations of prostitution and informed the scandal because it proliferated. The Washington Times reported in an article entitled « White House Mute on Call Boy scandal, » that « the White House sources confirmed that President Bush has followed the history of late night visit and Mr. Spence links to a network of gay prostitution criminalized by federal authorities since they were unveiled on 29 June in the Washington Times. But officials will not discuss substance of history, would have even among themselves.

« Press officers have pushed of the repeated requests to get the reaction of Mr Bush and refuse to discuss investigations or fall of disclosures. » @s2 of Saint John, the scandal had been buried. The President had managed to avoid giving a simple Press Conference where he would have been asked to comment.

As the matter of call ring boy dominated the circuit cocktail gossip in Washington, another scandal to halfway through the country in the State of Nebraska, has peaked. Once again this scandal has knocked on the door of the President.

A black Republican who had been a leader in the Organization’s support of the minority for the 1988 presidential campaign and who proudly displays a picture of himself and the President, arm in arm, at his home in Omaha, was at the centre of a sex and money scandal that continues to rock the Cornhusker State.

The scandal began with the collapse of the oriented towards minorities Franklin Community Credit Union in Omaha, directed by Lawrence E. King, Jr., a black Republican influence at the national level, who sang the anthem national in two Republican conventions 1984-1988. King became the subject of investigation by the Nebraska Senate specially created « Franklin Committee » to probe the accusations of misappropriation of funds. In November 1988, the King offices were raided by the FBI and $40 million was discovered in lack. Within weeks, the Senate Nebraska, which first opened an investigation to find out where the money was gone, found instead the interrogation of young adults and teenagers who said they were of child prostitutes. Social workers and State child care administrators accuse King of running a child prostitution ring. Expenses increased with the head of the former police of Omaha, the largest newspaper of the State Editor and several other political collaborators of the King, finding himself accused of a condescending attitude of the child prostitution ring.

King is currently serving a sentence of 15 years in federal prison for defrauding the Fund focused on Omaha. But the magazine Avvenimenti of Italy and Spain, among others, Pronto loaded King crimes were more serious: that he ran a child national network of prostitution that has repaired the policy and the elite of the business of the Republican and democratic parties. Children victims of the operations of the King he accused of involvement in at least a murder of Satanic ritual of a child several years ago. The Washington Post, the New York Times, the Village Voice and the National Law Journal cover all of the charges, after the story broke in November 1988. Machinations of the King money are also linked to the Iran-Contra affair, and some say that the King provided the CIA with information collected by his alleged activities as a « pimp » for the high and mighty.

Pronto circulation based in Barcelona, the largest weekly in Spain with 4.5 million readers, reported that child prostitution scandal Lawrence E. King « seems to involve directly the State of Nebraska and Washington politicos who are very close to the White House and George Bush himself. »

The weekly said that Roy Stephens, a private detective who worked on the case and directs the Foundation’s young people missing, « said there is reason to believe that the CIA is directly involved, » and that the « FBI refuses to assist in the investigation and has sabotaged all efforts » to go at the bottom of the story. Stephens said that « Paul Bonnacci directly accused President Bush of being involved » in the case when he testified before the Bonnacci of Committee.@s3 of Franklin, who had been one of child prostitutes, is identified by experts from abuse as a well informed, credible witness.

Lawrence King was no stranger to President Bush. And Lawrence King was no stranger to Craig Spence. Several of the children Omaha prostitutes testified that they traveled to Washington with the King in private planes to attend political events that have been followed by the sex parties. King and Spence had much in common. Not only were they the two activists of the Republican party, but they were rendered in the cases of pimping all of prostitutes for the elite of Washington.

Bush name appeared repeatedly in the scandal of Nebraska. But his name was put in print in July 1989, a little less than a month after the case of Washington call boy had first made headlines. Omaha reported daily, « a child who has been the subject of care psychiatric, is said to believe that she saw George Bush to one of the parties of the King ». @s4

Three full years after the scandal first made headlines, name of Bush again appeared. Quarterly (GQ) of « gentleman » is a long article, considered by many political observers to Nebraska as an attempt to refute the accusations that would not die despite the cessation of all official investigations. The GQ piece has disputed the allegations as a conspiracy theory that went out of control and resonated because of some mystical sociological phenomena allegedly unique to rural folk Nebraska who believe anything and burn « with mistrust of the city which once fiery Prairie populist passionately ». Numerous polls in recent years have recorded more than 90% say they believe that there was a « cover up » of the truth.

GQ reported that Yes, there was theft, corruption and homosexuality in this story, « but no children were never involved in this case ». In fact, « the only child even mentioned was a 9-year-old boy whose less reliable Caradori witness reported seeing in the company of George Bush to one of the parts of Washington’s Larry King. »

Gary Caradori was a police investigator of former State which was hired by the Senate of Nebraska to investigate the case, and who had died mysteriously during his investigations.@s5

Sound crazy? Not Steve Bowman, an Omaha businessman who is compiling a book on the scandal of money and sex of Franklin. « We have a few credible witnesses who say that Yes, George Bush has a problem. »… Child abuse has become one of the epidemics of the 1990s, « Bowman told GQ. Apparently, one of the sources of Bowman is a retired psychiatrist who worked for the CIA. He added that traffic in cocaine and political corruption were the other main themes of his book.@s6

He did not not seem crazy to Peter Sawyer. Activist Australian curator who published a controversial newsletter, inside news, with a circulation of 200 000, his November 1991 issue dedicated entirely to Nebraska scandal, focusing on President Bush’s links to the case. In an article subtitled, « The Original allegations: first Bush appointed in 1985, » Sawyer wrote:

« Stories of sex and child pornography began to public notoriety in 1989, following the collapse of the Franklin Fund. It is not when the allegations started, however. Indeed, given the flavor policy subsequent investigations, it would be easy to dismiss the claims that George Bush had been involved. He was a public figure very… »

If the first allegations on a ring of massive exploitation child centered on Larry King and leading up to the White House, was made in 1989 and had all come from the same source, shenanigans and mischievous collusion could be suspected. However, the allegations resulting from the collapse of Franklin Credit Union were not the first.

Way back in 1985, a young girl, Washington Eulice (Lisa), was the center of an investigation by Andrea L. Carener, of the Department of Social Services of the Nebraska. The investigation was opened because Lisa and her sister Tracey continually ran away from their foster parents, Jarrett and Barbara Webb. Initially reluctant to disclose information for fear of being punished further, the two girls finally told a remarkable story, later saved by other children who had been promoted on the Webb [sic].

These reports have been made by Ms. Julie Walters, an assistant social, who worked for Boys Town at the time, and that was recalled because of the constant reference by the children of Webb and others, to stay.

Lisa, supported by his sister, detailed a homosexual child massif, sex and pornography industry, race in Nebraska by Larry King. She described how she was regularly taken to Washington by plane, with other young people, to participate in festivals organized by the King and involving several public figures, including politicians and businessmen. Lisa named George Bush as being present at least twice. « Remember, it was in 1985, » said the Australian newsletter.

The bulletin contained several documents on the Lisa case, including a State of Nebraska Police report, a letter from the State of the Nebraska Foster Care Review Board for the Attorney general, an investigative report prepared for the Committee of Franklin of Senate Nebraska and part of the debriefing handwritten by Ms. Julie Walters. Peter Sawyer says that he obtained the documents from friendly Australian law enforcement officers who had helped Australian Channel Ten produce an exposed of a Down Under national child prostitution network. Australian cops seem to have been in contact with the U.S. officers who have apparently agreed that there had been a cover-up on the scandal of Nebraska. Subsequent investigations by the authors have established that the four documents were authentic.

Ms. Julie Walters, now a homemaker in the Midwest, has confirmed that, in 1986, she had interviewed the alleged prostitute child, Lisa, who told him about Mr. Bush. Lisa and her sister Tracey temporarily lived at the time in the House of Kathleen Sorenson, another foster parent. Ms. Walters said that at first, she was very surprised. But Lisa, who came from a background very disadvantaged with no knowledge of political affairs, gave some details of its participation in political meetings throughout the country.

Julie Walters 50-page handwritten report:

25/03/86. Met Kathleen [Sorenson] and Lisa for about 2 hours at Blair [One.] query Lisa for more details on sexual abuse… Lisa admitted to be used as a prostitute by Larry King when she was on a trip with his family. She began to go on a trip when she was in 2nd. In addition itself and Larry, there was also Ms. King, their son, Prince and 2-3 other couples. They traveled in Larry’s private plane, Lisa said that during these celebrations of travel, allowing Larry, she sat naked « seeks innocent » and invited could engage in sexual activity they wanted (but the penetration was not allowed) with her… Lisa said she first met V.P. George Bush at the Republican Convention (Larry King sang the national anthem at) and reviewed at a party in Washington, D.C. that Larry hosted. During this festival, Lisa saw no woman (« makeup was perfect – you need to check their legs to make sure that they were not a woman »).

The polygraph that Lisa is only focused on the sexual abuse committed by Jarrett Webb. At that time, she had said that of the General things about Larry travel (i.e. where they went, etc.). Only, she began to talk about his involvement in prostitution during these trips on 25/03/86…

Lisa also accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. King and Prince on a trip to Chicago, New York and Washington, D.C. beginning when she was 15 years. She ran out of twenty-two school days almost completely because of these trips. Lisa took her on the pretext to be guardian of the Prince. Last year, she met V.P. George Bush and saw him once again to one of the parties Larry gave during a trip to Washington, D.C.. Some of the parties, there are only men (as was the case at the assisted party of George Bush) – older men and young men in their early twenties. Lisa said she has seen sodomy committed at these events…

During these evenings, Lisa said each guest had a bodyguard and she saw some men carrying weapons to fire. All guests had to produce a map which has been executed by a machine to verify that the guest was, in fact, who they said they were. And then each guest was excavated down before entering the party.@s7

The details of the charges against Mr. Bush are known to be in the hands of the FBI. A report of the Committee of Franklin said:

Apparently, she [Lisa] contacted December 19 [1988] and voluntarily has the offices of the FBI on December 30, 1988. She was interviewed by Brady, Tucker and Phillips.

It says that in September or in October 1984, when [Lisa] Washington was fourteen or fifteen years old, she took a trip to Chicago with Larry King and fifteen to twenty boys from Omaha. She flew to Chicago on a private plane.

The aircraft was large and had rows of two seats each on each side of the inner aisle.

It indicates that the King got boys from Boys Town and the boys have worked for him. She said that Rod Evans and two other boys with the name of Evans were on the plane. Could not remember the names of the other boys.

Boys who flew to Chicago with Washington and King were between the ages of fifteen to eighteen years. Most of the boys was black, but some were white. She showed a photograph in colour of a boy and identified the boy as being one of the boys on the map. She could not recall his name.

She indicates that she was forced to go on the trip by Barbara Webb.

She indicates that she attended a party in Chicago with the King and young men. She said that George Bush was present.

She indicates that she [sic] defined in a table at the party while wearing nothing more than a negligee. She said that George Bush was seen on the table. She said that she saw George Bush King to pay the money, and that Bush has left the party with a black boy of nineteen year named Brent. Lisa said the assisted party of George Bush was in Chicago in September or in October 1984. According to the Chicago Tribune October 31, 1984, Bush was in Illinois campaigning for candidates of the Congress at the end of October.

Lisa has added more details on the trip to Chicago and said why she was sure it was George Bush whom she had seen. According to a report by investigator Jerry Lowe on May 8, 1989, « Eulice [Lisa] said she recognized George Bush as coming to the party and that Bush has two large white males with him. Eulice, indicated that Bush came to the part about 45 minutes after it all started, and was hosted by Larry King. Eulice indicated that she knew that George Bush due to the fact that he had been in political campaigns and also she observed a photo of Bush with Larry King at the home of Larry King to Omaha.  »

Without a doubt, Lisa and Tracey Webb were abused in the way they claimed. But, in agreement with the alleged motive of concealment, a judge of Washington County, Nebraska in December 1990 has rejected all accusations against their aggressors, Jarrett and Barbara Webb. The judge ignored evidence from report 1986 by employee of Boys Town Julie Walters. The report said: « Lisa received four polygraph tests administered by a police officer in the office of the State patrol on Center Street in Omaha. The police officer, after Lisa test, said [other foster parent] he tried to ‘break the Lisa’, but he was convinced that she was telling the truth.  » @s8

In addition, the number of investment officials and young workers debriefe the sisters. Each of them believed fully not only their general history of abuse, but specifically their account of the participation of Bush. The March 1986 on Bush report was incorporated into official report of the review Care Foster has submitted to the Committee Senate Franklin and the application of the Act. As Kathleen Sorenson wrote in a report dated May 1, 1989, ‘ it was good before he [Bush] was the President. It seems that there is more exciting people for « lie » on whether it is what they were doing. « @s9

Rumors about Mr. Bush received new life where Dr. Ronald Roskens, the head of the Agency for development International (AID), itself the subject of controversy. Executive Intelligence Review reported in the fall of 1991 that Mr. Roskens was the subject of a scandal in which he is in charge of violating the Federal codes of laws and ethics, according to the Washington PostOctober 6. A report prepared by using inspector general Herbert Beckington, dated 5 April and leaked to the costs of post, Roskens to accept thousands of dollars in payments from « various organisations in compensation of travel expenses for his wife and » while Roskens was on official government travel. He took the money for a private trip with a company « which Roskens had agreed to sell itself as a condition of his presidential nomination. »

The inspector general concluded that the money accepted by Roskens was a clear conflict of interest and that it violated the Federal law against earning non-governmental income. But on September 4, after having examined the charges, the Justice Department… informed Beckington that he had decided not to pursue justice – giving no explanation for its decision. The White House is considering the case.

Investigators from Congress are already looking into the allegations. Should they scrape beneath the surface, they will find that this is not the first time Roskens was hit by the scandal. Although President Bush has promised that he would not tolerate even the appearance of impropriety in his administration, Congress should not be surprised if the White House threatens to start to « break the legs » for the defence of Roskens.

It is not just that Roskens is a personal friend of President – although whether it is… [A] n investigation unhindered on Roskens could expose the link between Bush is little publicized way of birth control – that much is done by aid the State Department in the third world – and rampant sexual depravity United States political and intelligence elites. Such a scandal could shatter the illusions of conservative Bush base, many of them still accept claims of the President to be « Pro-life », « fight against drugs » and an American Patriot. It should also make all those who think the Bush propaganda is the President, « education » deeply wrong in the heart.

Roskens left his home state of Nebraska to the capital in early 1990s plunged into controversy. He had been suddenly fired as president of the University of Nebraska, in a secret meeting of the Board of Governors in July 1989. No public explanation was given for his dismissal. Yet, a few weeks, the White House has offered Roskens labour of high level in Washington. The administration was aware of the controversy in Nebraska, but Roskens passed an FBI background check and confirmed to the head of aid.

The FBI seems to have forgotten an investigative report of February 19, 1990, by the late Gary Caradori (see note 5 below), an investigator for the « Franklin Committee » of Nebraska Senate. He wrote: « I have been informed that Roskins [sic] was terminated by the State because of sexual activity reported to the regents and verified by them. Mr. Roskins [sic] reported have had young men to his home for sexual encounters. In the context of the separation of the State, he had to move out of the House belonging to the State because of the responsibility to the State if part of his sexual behavior was « illegal. »  » ‘ @s1 @ s0

No there was no independent confirmation of the charge. From the end of December 1991, a Congressional Committee was looking for in expenses.

Return to Table of contents

NOTES:

Notes to chapter – XX-

1. Washington Times, August 9, 1989.

2. Washington Times, 7 July 1989.

3. pronto (Barcelona, Spain), August 3, 1991 and on August 10, 1991.

4. Omaha World-Herald, July 23, 1989.

5. on 11 July 1990, during its investigations, Gary Caradori, 41, died in the crash of his small plane, with his 8-year-old son, after an explosion in the air, whose cause has not yet been discovered. A clever and careful driver Caradori said friends several times in the weeks before his death that he feared that his plane would be be sabotaged.

6. gentleman quarterly, December 1991.

7 report, written on March 25, 1986 by Julie Walters and authenticated by him in an interview in 1990.

8 report, early 1989, compiled by Jerry Lowe, the first researcher for the Committee of the Senate of the State of Nebraska Franklin.

9. a book recently published on the case of Nebraska by a former Republican Senator and decorated veteran of Viet Nam, John W. Camp, The Franklin cover-up: child abuse, Satanism, and murder in Nebraska (Lincoln, Nebraska: AWT, Inc., 1992) tells the whole story.

10. executive Intelligence Review, October 18, 1991.

Surviving the Cataclysm

George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

Chapter XXII- Bush took the Chair

Oderint dum metuant

(That they hate me, as long as they fear me.)

ACCIUS, « Atreus » (v. 125 BC J.-C.), attributed by Suetonius Caligula.  »

George Bush’s quest for the Summit of American political power was so sustained and so relentless that it is impossible to attribute the beginning of his presidential campaign on a specific date. It is more correct to declare that his entire term as vice president has been consumed by the renovation and expansion of its network personal and family to seize the Presidency sometime in the future. During this phase, Bush was much more concerned with issues of organization and mechanical construction that ideology or public relations. During most of the 1980s, it was convenient for Bush to cultivate loyal and even obsequious member of Reagan’s public profile, using the Office of the vice-president to build an electoral cartel national and international-manifest/covert of power.

This arrangement has worked very well for Bush, since it gave the Bush one power considerable camarilla in the inner councils of the second Reagan administration. But as the 1987-1988 period approached. It also appeared that public toadying to Bush to the mystical Reagan had been so exaggerated that they give rise to his notorious « wet pool » problem. Bush could easily have refuted these accusations by citing the long series of interventions of brutal and bloody secret and semi secret that he had ordered his role as patron of the special group of the Situation, but he found it awkward.

Bush began with the knowledge that he was a weak candidate. Reagan had embodied the popular ideology in an irreproachable way as to remind everyone of their favorite Uncle; Whatever the crimes of his administration, regardless of the decline in their standard of living, the masses could not hate; That is why Reagan was such a perfect front for regime that kept getting more nasty. Reagan also had an ideological continuation of those who would support almost regardless of what he was doing: Reagan was the recipient of the ideological reaction totally justified against Democrats and the crankcase, against liberal Republicans Rockefeller-Ford.

But Bush did none of this. He had no regional district in one of the half-dozen places he tried to call him at home; his favorite son appeal was diluted in the map. There was no base between work, black, or in the cities, as the pageantry of Kennedy. Financial Blueblood instinctively gravitated to Bush and his line of life to the crowd of post-Meyer Lansky was indeed robust and are important, but not sufficient in itself to win an election. Networks of Bush could still tilt the media in his favour, but the Reagan experience had provided a painful lesson of how inadequate, it could be against a clever populist rival. Otherwise, Bush was within the Government, where the eight years of patient work had packed the Executive Branch, the Congress and its staff and the judiciary with the Bushmen. This would allow the efforts of Bush unquestionable power, but also the aroma of a modern bonapartism of a special kind, of a system in which the Government argued the imaginary interests of the Government itself against the population, a vindictive and tyrannical Government set above the people and directly conflicted with them. That would work well as long as the population have been atomized and passive, but could backfire if they could find a coalescence point against their tormentors.

Was not only that Bush was not a loyal base of support. He also had very high negatives, which means that there were many people who loved intensely. This animosity was particularly strong among ideological Reagan conservatives, Bush was serving the Reagan Administration from the outset. It turned out to be very little that Bush could do to lower its rate of negative response, then the only answer would be to raise the negatives of all rival candidates on both sides of the divide of partizan. This brutal imperative for Bush machine contributed significantly to the last half decade derogation and villification increase in American life. Campaigns to discredit Bush would be subsumed under the ‘anything goes’ approach advocated by the late Lee Atwater, the organizer of the 1984 Reagan campaign which had signed with Bush well before 1988.

Success factors of Reagan posed a very real threat to Bush. For example, there are Reagan Democrats, many of them ethnic, Catholic and blue collar workers in the midwest and big States of lakes that had turned its back on Democrats in disgust for the succession of McGovern, Carter and Mondale and were now supporting Reagan. Those voters no were not likely to stand in the Republican primary, but that hardly made him would vote for Bush. In the general election, there was a real danger that they could be pushed by Bush and return to their traditional house democratic, as sordid as has become. Bush would need heavy camouflage to pass muster with those voters. The Bushmen recalled that until they were Reagan Democrats, good number of those intensely frustrated voters had flirted with Wallace in 1968 and 1972. The flag, the death penalty and an appeal to racism could be ideological smoke for the elder Bush.

Bush could not model his effort on the campaigns of Reagan from 1968. For him, the closest model is that of Gerald Ford in 1976, a low with the powerful Masonic network liberal Republican, but no problem, no charisma and support without popular appeal. Defeat of Ford has highlighted several traps that Bush face while preparing for 1988. Ford and Carter had been locked to virtual equality that voters went to the polls. An honest count would have given Ford the election, but ballot box stuffing by the Democratic machines in Ohio and New York gave Carter the Palm. Bush was, therefore, pay attention to any marginal factor that could switch a race tight in its favour. Was it a conincidence that in 1985 and 1986, non-democratic in Ohio and New York have been decimated by scandals and updates in charge, much to the consternation of banker’s mob Ohio Marvin Warner, and Stanley Friedman and the late Donald Mannes, corrupted from the Bronx and Queens Borough presidents? For Bush, these estimates were simply the most elementary precautions, and a harbinger of what would suffer rival candidates, as the primary approached.

Bush was also to return to his performance in the 1984 campaign, hardly an epic effort. Bush got in trouble because he refused categorically to exclude an also adamantine terms as Reagan tax increase. Bush tried to squirm on es press where he came: « no more fussy. Zippity doo – dah. Now, it’s off to the races, « was his tee shot as he wanted to leave a press conference where it was grilled. Otherwise, Bush was the ultra-Orthodox leader of Reagan, deemed « bonded » by Witcover and Germond: « he had the reputation of being a bootlicker and his conduct in the office did nothing diminish. » [note 1] Columnist Joseph Kraft wrote of Bush: « the patrician and tried to be a populist. It crosses, therefore, as childish. « [fn 2]

Great moment of Bush was his vice presidential debate with Geraldine Ferraro. During the debate, Bush noted that the marines who had been killed in the bombing of their Beirut, Lebanon in October 1983 barracks were ‘death in shame. The morning after the debate, Bush went to Elizabeth, New Jersey for a rally with stevedores. He said a man in the crowd that « we tried to kick a little ass’ in the debate with Ferraro. Then he saw that a microphone hanging from a pole was within earshot. ‘Oops! Oh, God, he heard me! Disable this thing, »said the tough guy of the Royal »we ». Barbara Bush got inot the Act with his quip that Ferraro was a « 4 million dollar – I can’t say but it rhymes with rich ». British Teeley said that Ferraro was ‘too slut. » [fn 3] Election more amazed by the modern times, these slogans were the stuff the themes were made.

The Washington Post went after Bush as « Cliff Barnes of American policy », a reference to a character in the soap opera television Dallas which found post ‘ bluster, opportunistic, coward and hoplessly ineffective all at once.» Others, foreshadowing the revelations of thyroid of 1991, spoke of « hyperkinesia. Bush’ similarly unsavory George Will commented that « the optimistic statement »George Bush is not as silly as it often seems »now seems to be comparable to the declaration of Mark Twain that Wagner’s music is better than it sounds. ». [fn 4]

It was therefore very little hope that Bush would permit to campaign effectively. But George had no new developments in his curriculum vitae that he could point to?

There is little that he would or could speak. In his role of ‘you die, we fly’ as the official substitute for Reagan during state funerals, he had met the new leader Soviet Yuri Andropov at funeral of Brezhnev for a conversation « the spook spook », as Bush said. He had then met Michael Gorbachov at the funeral of Andropov in the spring of 1985. But Bush would not play its role in the transformation of the ‘evil empire’ Reagan’s first term in the useful idiot Summit « of Soviet propaganda » course of the second term, as this would exacerbate the problems along the right side of Bush.

Bush all could talk about were his foreign trips. The death of Brezhnev in November 1982, Bush had been in Africa, where it has diverted to Moscow. It was a journey of seven black African States, including Nigeria and the Kenya. When he returned to Washington he tried to take advantage of the African junket, which was undertaken in the spirit of « constructive engagement » of the Reagan Administration, which means in practice offering various rewards and incentives to the Pretoria regime slowly insistence them to withdraw from Namibia. In Lagos and Nairobi, Bush denounced to link U.S.-sponsored between the departure of Cuban forces from Angola and the end of the protectorate South Africa over Namibia. [fn 5]

In summer 1983, Bush went to Scandinavia, accompanied by dozens of secret service agents and aid, bulletproof limousines and White House communication equipment. Bush staff tried to schedule photo shoots and television opportunities in the tradition of Michael Deaver and Dr. Goebbels. During a visit to a memorial for the monument to the Denmark WWII resistance fighters, an officer in the US Navy on Bush staff instructed the Chief of Danish protocol that Schlüter Danish Prime Minister and other Danish offocials should be « parked » on one side as Bush walked to the momument: a coarse insult to say the least. (Bush travelling entourage got progressively uglier over the years, as reminds us by the shock of the part of the Bush with security officers Switzerland at Geneva airport during the meeting of Bush with Hafez Assad in the fall of 1990) Hyperthyroidism top infects people further down the line.)

In Iceland, Bush gave a speech so generic that it was not clear if he had lost track of what country it was. In Stockholm, he clashed bitterly with the Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme on the action programmes secret US « contra » in Central America. A few years later the Palme was to be murdered, and many attribute his death to his very detailed knowledge of the European dimension of the Iran-contra. But for Bush, the trip was a great success: he got to play doubles tennis with Bjorn Borg and went fishing off the coast of the Iceland. [fn]

In May 1984, Bush has been shutdown in India and Pakistan. Indira Gandhi has been rightly wary of Bush and had recently made comments on poor US-Indian relations: ‘ what can we do?  » The problem is the orientation of the [US] administration. « [fn 7] Bush’s policy presented to Mrs. Gandhi included net reductions in residual US aid and sabotage US loans to India by the international agencies. In November 1984, Mrs. Gandhi was assassinated.

In March 1985, Bush managers organized a meeting of photos GlobeTrotter to begin to build their man for 1988. Bush visited Sudan, Niger and Mali, when it was surpassed by the word of the death of Konstantin Chernenko, Soviet leader. Bush ‘you die, we fly’ operation have led both to Moscow, where he met with Gorbachov, the Japan Nakasone, Helmut Kohl of the Germany, Margaret Thatcher, Rajiv Gandhi and Zia ul – Haq of Pakistan. Then it was after the invasion of Grenada, followed by the appearance of Bush at the inauguration of the new civilian Government of the Brazil. Here Bush has sidestepped Danny Ortega, the leader of the Sandinista regime of Nicaragua, who wanted to confront Bush on us policy in the region. The ninth and last stage junket: Bush’s was in the Honduras, where Bush visited with president Roberto Suazo Cordova, a key player in the world of politics contra. [fn 8]

Of course, there was more to each of these judgments than meets the eye. The bland platitudes of Bush’s public speech were more often matched with a vicious secret activity. Often the verbiage is in contradiction with real politics, or would soon be. In 1981, Bush had sent Reagan the inauguration of President Marcos of the Philippines. Toast of Bush to Marcos, « we love your respect for the democratic principle » and the democratic process had been blasted by the liberal press (the New York Times called « a real blunder »), but when the line has changed and that it was time for the US Government to overthrow the Marcos, it was Bush who did with the « people power » the U.S. guidance enrages Manila.

A small window on the actual dimensions of Bush vice presidential travel program is provided by the visit to Sudan to discuss. During this trip, Bush was accompanied by televangelists Pat Robertson and Jerry Fallwell, two cranes of Elmer video ether, each with strong intelligence connections. Robertson made the trip with Bush, while Falwell was already in the country a mission of its own in the context of the current famine in the Sahel region. Robertson has a crew of its network CBN, which received a demagogic Bush and Robertson slowly descending from Air Force Two in Khartoum, while the band played ‘Hi Chief. ‘ Robertson brought relief. March 6, 1985, he told CBN that he was working with genocide US Agency for International Development on humanitarian aid projects. Trusted sources of Sudanese report that US AID policies are designed to exacerbate the mortality in areas where they are applied.

Urgent Bush objective was to organize the overthrow of the Sudanese president, Jaafar Nimiery, that Wall Street wanted deposed. Bush seems to have some difficulties in planning and executing a shot quickly and efficiently. Its response to the coup in Moscow in August 1991, « coups d ‘ état might fail, » reflects his own bitter experience, the Panama, October 1990 and in the present case in Sudan. The CIA was backing a group of junior officers who wanted to seize power, but they have dragged on too long. They waited until that Nimiery left the country during a weeklong visit to the United States. Then, instead of enter obvious nodal points, they spent an entire week in orchestrating an upsurge of « people power » typical CIA, with demonstrations in the streets of the capital and a strike of 10 000 doctors, teachers, bankers and judges. Nimiery was by now flying back from the United States. This excessive delay helped a group of senior officers who are not us puppets sufficient time to develop their own plan for a preventive seizure of power. Group senior, headed by general Abdul Rahman Swareddahab, taken by surprise Bush junior acted firmly on April 6, 1985, catch the clique officer. [fn 9] Luster was reputation of Bush as a golpista, and he never really returned.

Trip by Bush to Khartoum was also designed to serve the Israeli Mossad. During his visit, Bush received the consent of Nimiery to an airlift Israeli called « Operation Moses, » which has transferred thousands of Ethiopian Jews from Sudan in Israel. The Israeli presence has been linked to the plan to overthrow the Nimiery.

In July 1985, Bush has been president for a day, when Reagan transferred his powers to Vice President before undergoing anesthesia in an operation to remove an intestinal polyp. Bush had flown to Kennbunkport July 12, the same day where Reagan was admitted to Bethesda naval hospital for an examination. When it was found that Reagan would require an operation the next day, Bush flew to Kennbunkport to get their hands on the levers of power. 10:32, Reagan signed letters to House Speaker Tip O’Neill and President Pro Tempore of Senate Stron Thurmond passing the bar to Bush. Reagan began a little before noon, and Bush was President acting when he arrived at Andrews Air Force Base, about half an hour later. Bush received at his home at the Naval Observatory and spent the rest of the day. His staff said that nothing presidential happened before that Reagan woke up from her anesthesia at 19:22 and signed a document containing its powers.

Nothing presidential was really happening? As Jack Anderson wrote a few years later, it was really « nothing… except if you talk to the former president Gerald, the King of the waterfalls. » It seems that Bush, no doubt overcome by the euphoria of power, had slipped playing tennis and hitting his head rather seriously. According to some senior officials of the White House interviewed by the column of Jack Anderson, the maniac Bush had actually been « unconscious » for awhile, but never « unfit ». « It was not serious enough to be verified, » according to an advisor to Bush, and Bush « lying offshore. » [fn 10] Not much here for a campaign speech celebrating Bush experience, which now includes a brief meeting with apex Vertigo of the power itself.

For State of the Union message in January 1986 Reagan, Bush managers worked hard so he does « squirming, yawn, subsidence, contemplating in space and especially research… bored by its president. » Bush was drilled in rapt attention to the words of the great Communicator by displaying excerpts of films embarrassing himself Chair at the previous joint sessions of Congress. [fn 11] Otherwise, Bush had gained some notoriety for change its watch bands to match his suit. [fn 12]

Most of all, Bush wanted a rapid approval of Reagan in order to remove or at least are less challenges to its status as favorite presumed GOP rival in the primaries; It was already clear that Senator Bob Dole could be the most formidable of them. Bush feared Dole challenge and desperately wanted to be anointed as Reagan’s heir as soon as possible prior to 1988. But Reagan had apparently gotten more antipathy to Bush, he had designed in the Nashua Telegraph’s 1980 debate. According to a source of high-level Administration Reagan speaking in the summer 1986, « more than once the President [Bush said], ‘ obviously, I’ll stay neutral until after the convention, and then I’ll be working for any candidate comes to mind. ‘ » [fn 13] Despite the « slavish devotion » of Bush, Reagan wanted to keep the door open to his good friend, Senator Paul Laxalt of Nevada, which Reagan believed apparently was preparing to run for President. One can imagine Bush rage and grief.

The months passed, it became clear that there is no love lost on Bush by Reagan. Bush was running a large part of the administration, but it was not running Reagan in some areas, and seems to be one of them. Late summer 1987, Reagan gave a magazine interview in which he appeared to praise Bush: ‘ I do not know that it has never had a vice-president who has been more fully involved in everything that happens that this vice-president.  » In the center of the Iran-contra, which may not be exactly what Bush wanted. The Reagan asked with examples. « I can’t answer in this context, » replied Reagan. Bush had grown up in liberal GOP paradise of the Eisenhower years, and could not help remembering old Ike derogatory response to a similar question that was invited to appoint certain decisions Vice President Nixon had participated in. « If you give me a week, I might think of one, » said jokingly Ike. [fn 14]

Reagan has stubbornly refused to come out for Bush, until that endorsement could help him is no longer in the Republican primaries. Reagan chose to wait until Super Tuesday was over and the rest of the Republican field had been mathematically eliminated. Actually, Reagan waited until Bob Dole, the last of the Bush rivals, had abandoned. Then Reagan ignored requests for managers of Bush media and propagators of perception and gave its approval in the evening, too late for the main network news programs. The scene was a partisan event, a fundraising dinner of the great GOP Congress. Reagan waited at the end of the intervention, explained that it was now breaking his silence on the presidential election and in a superficial way said that he would support Bush. « I will work as hard as possible to make the Vice President George Bush the next president of the United States, » said the old Ron. There is no braces for real or imaginary achievements at Bush, no fuss Bravo. Seasoned observers found declaration of Reagan « ‘ without enthusiasm… almost reluctance. »  » [fn 15]

One day, we will not know how much the public denigration of Reagan accounts true and invented, including studies showing a mental impairment which surfaced late 1987 and early 1988, was due to the efforts of a Bush machine determined to create the impression that a president who refused to support Bush enthusiastically was mentally incompetent. If the Committee to discredit broke loose against the President of the United States? It would not be the first time.

Infinite reluctance of Reagan meant that Bush had to work especially hard to pander to the right wing, to those whom he despised but nevertheless necessary to use. Here, Bush leaned public degradation without terminals. In December 1985, Bush went to Canossa by accepting an invitation to a dinner in Manchester, New Hampshire, which is held in honor of the late William Loeb, the former publisher of the Union leader of Manchester. We have already documented this old man Loeb hated Bush and worked doggedly for his defeat in 1980. Yet Bush was « the soul of humility », and he was willing to do anything to be able to take power in its own name. Bush delivered a speech full of what the Washington Post chose to call « self-deprecating humor », but what others might have seen as prosternées. Bush regaled 500 Republicans and rightists with a fairy tale on after having tried in 1980 to woo Loeb by offering rewards of coloured watch straps, shirts LaCoste and Topsider shoes to anyone who could join Bill Loeb. The named elements was paraphernalia BCBG as Loeb and many others was reluctant.

Bush cited that Loeb had told his subject: «hypocrite… standard double morality, involved up to his neck in the Watergate… unfit to be the Republican candidate… incompetent; Liberal masquerading as a conservative; a hypocrite… a rich child small spoon that was wet nursed to success, « and so on from the series of editorials 1979-1980 » Bush then praised the author of these words as a man of « passionate conviction and strong belief… In never mincing his words or pulling his punches, Bill Loeb was part of a great tradition of outspoken editors. « Some Assembly wambalo repeated the line from the comic strip Doonesbury that Bush »had placed his manhood in a blind trust. » The widow of nackey Scripps Loeb Loeb was non-committal. « We have decided on a candidate for 1988 – one which best fights for the agenda of Reagan, » she announced. « If this person is here tonight remains to see, » she added. [fn 16]

Legally, Bush won only contempt of these conservatives in New Hampshire. Mrs. Loeb was awarded in October 1987, when the New Hampshire primary season was once again at hand, Bush for his rampant with an attack of blisters that featured reprints of barbs from 1980 by Bill Loeb: « a wimp BCBG, part of the self-proclaimed elite, » and so on. Mrs. Loeb has written, « George Bush is Bush for 63 years. It was boy’s Reagan for just seven last. Without Ronald Reagan he will surely return the origin of George Bush ». Mrs. Loeb repeated advice of her late husband 1980: « Republicans must flee the candidacy of George Bush as if it was the black death itself. » [fn 17]

Displays of this type began to inspire a more general public contempt for Bush during 1987. Bush was coming across as «deferential almost to the point of obsequiousness», «too weak, too gham» George Will, anxious to pick a winner, began to ridicule Bush as a « lapdog. » The « wimp » factor began to torment Bush. Old Bill Loeb was always Bush squirm. Two veteran observers said: « the physical presence of Reagan and self-confidence made Bush however still seem lower, and the Bush penchant for note prissy sometimes casts as little Lord Fauntleroy of the campaign trail.. » Bush said that he was running a negative campaign to not let the Democrats a monopoly on « nasty stuff. » [fn 18]

All this has led to the devastating October 19, 1987 Newsweek cover story, « fighting the Wimp factor. The article was more analytical that hostile, but describes the « crippling handicap » to begin considered a « wimp ». Bush had been « vassal to Kissinger » at the United Nations and Beijing, article found, and now even Bush second term of the staff said Bush, « he is emasculated by the Office of the vice-president. To avoid appear as a wimp by television, Bush had « tried for 10 years to master the medium, he studied as a foreign language. He consulted coaches voice and television. He tried to change his glasses and even wear contact lenses. […] Bush tightened twangy voice is a common problem. Stress, experts explain, tighten the vocal cords and the voice is greater than normal and lacks power. « According to Newsweek, 51% of Americans are »wimp »was a »serious problem »for Bush. The magazine offered various psychological explanations explosive how Bush has got this way, focusing primarily on family upbringing. Here Bush would learned to hide his impulses Sociopaths under a veneer of propitiation and sharing, as his childhood of George « Half » nickname.

The cover of « wimp » Newsweek soon had Bush chewing the carpet at the Naval Observatory. Son of knuckle-displacement of Bush Bush called the story « a cheap shot » and added threatening: «…» « I would like to take the guy who wrote this title on this boat, »that is to say, construction Aronow loyalty . where Bush was depicted on the cover of Newsweek That looked a lot like a threat. Bush also called on Washington, Newsweek , Evan Thomas to inform him that the Bush campaign had officially cut off from any contact with Newsweek and its reporters, head of the office. The decision to bankrupt Newsweek was made by candidate Bush personally and abandoned a plan by Newsweek by publishing a book on the 1988 campaign. The press has got the message: portray Bush in a positive light or deal with countermeasures vindictive and discriminatory.

Bush campaigns have always advanced on a cushion of money, and the 1988 effort was to push this far unheard feature. According to a tradition that had stretched on almost three decades, the Bush campaign finance Chairman was Robert Mosbacher, Mosbacher Energy Corporation is one of the largest independent oil companies in Texas. NET the personal value of Mosbacher are estimated at $200 million. During the 1988 campaign, Mosbacher has raised $60 million for the Bush campaign and $25 million for the Republican National Committee. It was Mosbacher who formed team 100 Elite corps of 250 fatcats, among which we have seen Henry Kravis. The thing is that many of these contributors of $100 000 have been promised posts of ambassadors and other prestigious appointments, a phenomenon that should reach outrageous proportions in 1989. In 1984, son of Rob Mosbacher Jr. ran a strong but losing race for the seat of Senator left vacant by John Tower.

Mosbacher by the mid-1980s became a Director of the biggest bank in Houston and a member of the most exclusive clubs in the city. He was a central figure in this cabal of financiers and the men of oil which, in the post-war years was called « the crowd Suite 8F », and which has since evolved into new forms. Mosbacher, Baker and Bush are now at the center of the business oligarchy that runs the State of Texas.

Mosbacher was also a celebrity. While he was between his second and third marriages during the beginning of the 1980s, it was advertised as the most eligible Houston Bachelor. His third wife, Georgette, a cosmetics entrepreneur, was the star of the first edition of Bush that photographers were concerned. The Mosbachers usually flew across the country in their own jet private and maintained homes in New York, Washington DC and the section of River Oaks for dear of Houston.

During the mid-1980s, Mosbacher would have been doubled his pockets to the tune of $40 to $ 50 million by a scam called the Grand Houston Parkway. Earnings of Mosbacher derived from the Corporation Act Texas’s transport, which provided the de facto privatization of road, construction conform to the ideological tenets and mentality of fast-money in the economic situation of Reagan-Bush. Local landowners are empowered to implement «transport companies» could solicit donations of new road rights-of-way, and used to finance the studies of engineering for roads. If the right-of-way and the design of the plans have been approved, the State would build roads.

In practice, this has become a gigantic speculation at the centre of Cinco Ranch which lay Mosbacher, a property which he had acquired for $5 million in 1970. A provision of the Bill was that of many small landowners in the general area of the proposed stems would be affected by road special assessment tax levies of up to eight times the value of their property. Mosbacher cashed in by selling off its Cinco Ranch for $84 million, the highest price in the history of Houston. The jump in the value of the land was made possible by the promenade of the Grand right ranch the center of Mosbacher, through a route which had been designed by a my old network Mosbacher who reached in the Texas Highway Department. [fn 19]

Network of Mosbacher for caper it Grand Houston Parkway included Commissioner of the County of Harris Robert Y. « Big Bob » Eckels, whose personal and political friendship with George Bush were well known. [fn 20] Eckels was a landowner who stood to benefit from the new projects of construction of roads allowed under the new law. Eckels was also a dedicated GOP activist who has made the Government of Harris County in a de facto arm of the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1984. In 1985, Houston press reports showed that Big Bob Eckels had deployed employees of the County Government, the County Council of phones and hardware County to organize and serve a group calling itself National Conference of Republican County officials who, according to Roanoake County, Treasurer of Virginie Fred Anderson, worked as « an arm of working for the White House and the national party [Republican]. » [fn 21] Eckels admitted later that he also spent at least $20 000 of his own money to « a world » mailings for the Reagan-Bush ticket and that he had not declared these expenditures to the Federal Election Commission. Eckels said convicted misdeamenaor to accept a gift of a contractor into the County in the form of a path on his tree Austin County farm. Eckels was charged six times while remaining in the office, on various charges.

In June 1989, Eckels was in semi-retirement in his tree farm, but he told the press that he was working on his autobiography which he assured a reporter would be not just a « muck – raking deal. » [fn 22] This book project was widely considered in Houston as an attempt by Eckels to develop capacity of reprisals to counter possible additional attacks of his former partner.

Big Bob Eckels can served George Bush in other ways as well. In the spring of 1985, the Attorney of Houston that Douglas Caddy told him said by Richard Brown of the International intelligence network Corporation as ‘a secret Reagan-Bush campaign fund’ with « $ 1.5 million that it » had been found follwing the presidential campaign of 1984. Caddy has alleged that Brown had told him the funds was «controlled by the Harris County Commissioner Bob Eckels.» According to Caddy, Brown also alleged that « IRS Criminal Intelligence knows about this ». Caddy, Brown was a person with links to both the FBI and the IRS. Caddy also stated that a report of the existence of the secret Fund was also repeated by private detective Clyde Wilson. [fn 23] In May 1988 to June 1989, Caddy wrote to the FBI and the FEC on the case. The FEC said the matter under review (MUR) 2925 allegations, but later decided in February 1991, despite accusations of Caddy ‘reason to believe’, to take no action. [fn 24] During 1989, Caddy was struck by an audit from the Internal Revenue Service, which has led to an evaluation of the IRS by hundreds of thousands of dollars in sanctions against him, a link on its property and other measures. Caddy, this audit was a revenge against his having raised the issue of the Reagan-Bush $1.5 million campaign fund.

Further investigation of this potentially embarrassing allegations complex has been greatly hampered by the death of Robert Y. Eckels, on December 24, 1989.

Large sums of money from Bush campaign depended especially petroleum of Texas, whose largesse it needed to stir up his political machine. Bush was running a political action Committee called the Fund for the future of America that has raised $3.9 million in the year 1985, a sum very heavy. Of which take approximately one-fifth is erected by donors from Texas 505, Texans give more than the residents of another State. $135 095 harvest money from Bush came from people who could be clearly identified that the figures of the oil industry, and rakeoff here was probably much higher. When the price of a barrel of oil has fallen over this period from $ 39 to $ 12, Bush had a big problem. His backers have begun to show.

On the whole, the collapse of the oil price, itself consequence of industrial depression around the world, has been a godsend for the fact U.S. dollar bankruptcy. The insolvent greenback supported by this new grant, which has restored a bit of ability of the currency ordered some actual products in the real world. But Bush immediate buddies and political base focused on the money, it was a disaster. « You gotta figure that George has to get fucked around all his friends of oil, in particular Drillers, who have been injured the most, » a Bushman of the Congress told the Washington Post. [fn 25] Of course, old Bush pal Bill Liedtke, now president of POGO producing in Houston, a drilling company, has confirmed that her man was very sensitive to the question: « George understand very well that you will lose a certain percentage of production permanently if the price is too low. « Since I know, back to the era of Eisenhower, he was very sensitive to the connection between a strong industry [oil] and national security. » [fn 26] Robert Mosbacher, bags of Bush, confirmed this point of view of Spades: « I always find that when I speak of George from the oil and gas business, he is aware. He has two sons in the business, and he remained in contact through them. »

The collapse of the price of oil poses a real problem that should have been answered by the introduction of a tariff of oil with a trigger of $ 25 per barrel price, while the domestic oil prices would never fall below this figure, as some spokesman suggested at the time for the oil fields. That would have been the equivalent of the establishment of a parity for oil prices and would have given Canadian producers of solid planning certainties and development long term. But the Reagan Administration in general was still married to irrational fetishism of the President « the magic of the market » and would violently oppose what any smacking of dirigisme or re-regulation.

Bush was not interested in a parity for oil prices. Rather, he took a trip to the Middle East, during which he was to discuss regional security issues, to speak up the price of oil with her long-time boyfriend King Fahd of Saudi Arabia. Bush has expressed concern about « free fall » of the oil price and spoke with Fahd « how [the Saudis] believes that there may be stability to a market that can certainly not be very happy for them. » He denied that he had come to Saudi Arabia on a « mission of price fixing », but relied on national security. Bush has taught the Saudi oil Minister Zaki Yamani on saturation of the world oil market. The implication is clear: the Saudis were expected to reduce their production. [fn 27] It was a few weeks later that the United States bombed Libya.

Moralizing, Bush argued that his remarks had nothing to do with the search for political advantage. His performance may have played in the oil fields, but also reviews were not flattering. A White House official said that « poor George » had committed « a blunder » which was sure to hurt in New Hampshire. Reagan is still very attached to the free play of the market affecting the price of oil, was the word in this neighborhood. In the bowl of rust, the Detroit News titled: « Bush to Michigan: Drop Dead. » A spokesman for Dole gloated that « given the history of Bush, the last thing that should be carrying water for the oil industry and international banks… It was as if his CV all spoke. »

Once more, as if often in his career, politics has proved little bring for the hopes of George Bush. In the spring of 1987, Bush was ‘catch the dickens’ on the rostrum for the Iran-Contra activities. On the Democratic side, Gary Hart, the former Senator from Colorado, who had worked in second to Mondale through the primaries of 1984, appeared as a clear favorite. With its own efforts foundered, Bush had every reason to fear of succumbing to a long season of meetings of photos in competition with Hart. But if the policy has been fickle, there was always the basis of covert actions.

Gary Hart speaks the candidate with new ideas, but he had a huge vulnerability. He was a familiar of Turnberry Isle, an earthly paradise of 234 acres located north of Miami. Part of the building has been a 29 story condo. Turnberry has been frequented by celebrities from the world of sport and entertainment, politicians and Mafiosi as Joey Ippolito, a marijuana kingpin convicted. The developer and Manager of Turnberry was Don Soffer, who was also the owner of a named vessel the Monkey Business. (After the murder of Don Aronow, 1987, February Soffer received a phone call from someone who told him: ‘You’re next’.) Soffer hired the bodyguards extra and is gone for an Atlantic cruise on the Monkey Business week). Soffer was a friend of Don Aronow. Ben Kramer was also a frequent visitor at Turnberry Isle. The facility employed a staff of hostesses who have been described as « Donnie girls » or « the party ». According to some, these hostesses doubled as prostitutes of luxury for the customers of Turnberry of rich male patrons.

Among the employees of Turnberry was sometimes model Donna Rice. Another woman, Lynn Armandt, headed the team of the daughters of the part and also had retail space for a shop of bikini in a top of the range and remunerative Turnberry complex shopping. Lynn Armandt was the widow of an associate of Ben deemed Kramer, a drug from Miami and figure underworld who had disappeared and never regained dealer. Armandt husband’s car was found, riddled with machine-gun slugs and stained with blood. In the glove compartment, investigators found the telephone number of Ben Kramer.

When strong searched federal agents Apache Bem Kramer Marina on August 28, 1987, they have examined the contents of the trunk of Kramer and find the original manuscripts of the early speeches of primary strain by Gary Hart. [fn 28]

At 20:30 on the evening of Monday 27 April 1987, journalist Tom Fiedler, who had just written a story about rumors of sexual promiscuity which began to surface around the campaign of Gary Hart, received a telephone call at his office. It was just after Gart Hart told E.J. Dionne’s New York Times, « follow me. I don’t care. I’m serious. If someone wants to put a tail on me. Go ahead. Go ahead. They would be very bored. « An extensive and well organized network in the media was a cinema in history that Hart is promiscuity. Received this day there by Fiedler phone call came from a woman who said to him: ‘Gary Hart has an affair with one of my friends. We need another president who lies like that. « The next morning at 10:30 the woman even recalled with the report that her friend was likely to accept an invitation to spend the weekend with Gary Hart in his Washington Town House, and the friend was likely to make the trip by plane Friday night. Published and sources of aid without name in the campaign of Gary Hart identified Lynn Armandt as the woman who this appeals to Tom Fiedler of the Miami Herald, although Fiedler denies this is true. [fn 29]

These phone calls led on the lookout for the mansion of Hart Fiedler and other journalists of the Miami Herald who fell on Hart and Donna Rice, blow the scandal that destroyed the candidacy of Hart.

The caller of the woman described herself as a liberal Democrat but an enemy of the lie. Fiedler-she said that she and her girlfriend had spent time on a yacht with Hart and an older man named Bill who was supposed to be advocate of Hart. This proved to be a cruise by Hart, Donna Rice, Lynn Armandt and Hart lawyer William Broadhurst and a crew of five on board the Soffer « chartered yacht » Monkey Business of Bimini and back in the spring. Later, Donna Rice confirmed that she had met Hart at Turnberry.

William Broadhurst or « Billy B. » was a Washington lawyer and a support of Hart who served the candidate as an operator on the campaign trail. Broadhurst had a Capitol Hill town house near Hart. Broadhurst explained later that Lynn Armandt had come to Washington to consider his offer to be administrator for its lobbying activities and entertaining in Washington. Broadhurst said that Donna Rice came with his friend Lynn Armandt, and that the two women had spent night at him, not with Hart. Lynn Armandt soon left Washington after the story broke, and the country people Hart said they have never heard about it again.

There is no need to tell the ostracism and the revelations that followed, leading to the destruction of Gary Hart as political a figure. Is not our intention here to defend the lost cause of decidedly unsavory former Senator Hart. But given the situation of the Bush campaign in April-May, 1987, we are reminded by the ‘Cui prodest’ proposal of Seneca that the Bushmen as main beneficiaries would necessarily be considered prime suspects if no ‘ naughty things’ should exceed Hart, as he has done. Our suspicions can only be increased by the obvious step in which Bush, Kramer, Aronow, Soffer, Armandt, and rice must be regarded almost as a social mix bound together in Miami, Thunderboat Alley, Turnberry Isle and the Monkey Business. Perhaps an old partition was being settled here, dating from December 1975, hearings in which Gary Hart had mocked Bush on the laundering of Liedkte device referenced in the « smoking gun » tape of Richard M. Nixon.

James Baker has been the leader in title of the Bush campaign, but the person responsible for the overall concepts and the specific tactics of the Bush campaign was Lee Atwater, a protégé of Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina policy. Thurmond was a Democrat, then a disfranchisement in 1948, then again, a Democrat and a Republican. The exegencies of get elected on the ticket of GOP South Carolina in wealthier Thurmond to reach deeply into bag of this stuff called wedge issues demagogue. Under the tutelage of Thurmond, Atwater had become well versed in the core of the strategy of the South, the key to this emerging Republican majority in the presidential elections which Kevin Phillips had told in 1968. Atwater also drank a political doctrine by the first practitioner of the southern strategy, the Richard M. Nixon black-jowled himself. In January 1983, for example, Lee Atwater, at this time of the White House’s office of Political Affairs Deputy Director (and a creature of the Bush-Baker connection), met with Nixon for three years and a half hours in Columbia, South Carolina. Nixon held suite on three points: the decisive political importance of the Sun Belt, digital relationships within the electoral College and the vast benefits of having no primary competition in seeking re-election. Atwater found that Nixon knew the electoral College like the back of his hand and that he knew that the voices of the southern States were the key to the ball game constituted as currently. Nixon had railed against two members of Congress, Pete McCloskey of California and John Ashbrook of Ohio, who had challenged left and right when he sought re-election in 1972. « These guys was two gnats on my ass, » complained Nixon. [fn 30] Bush awarded obviously very important advice from Nixon than any primary competition prohibited during the quest for a second term. Advice from Nixon stresses them real problems for Bush with a nomination like that of commentator Pat Buchanan on television.

In 1988, for example, Nixon intervened to be the Bush campaign spiritus rector. In March of 1988, when it was clear that Bush was going to win the nomination, Nixon « slips in the city » to join George Bush Bar, Lee Atwater to dinner at the Naval Observatory. This time, it is Bush who has received a statement of one hour from Tricky Dick on the need to respond to the Republican right, the imperative for a hard line on crime in the streets and the Soviets (once again to appease the right wing), to build an independent identity that after the convention and urge the Reagan to campaign actively. And of course, where Nixon, Kissinger may not be very far. [fn 31]

1988 saw another mobilization on a large scale by the intelligence community in support of the presidential ambition of Bush. The end Miles Copeland, a senior former CIA official who operated out of London in the 1980s, have contributed to a piece frankly titled « old Spooks for Bush » in the issue of March 18, 1988 of the National Review. (Chief Editor of the magazine, William Buckley, being a well-known follower of Skull and Bones, the allusion to the « spooks » assumed the character of a play on words of insider). Copeland based its approval of Bush on the firmness of anti-Soviet of the candidate, a point of view which seems strange in retrospect. « Copeland suggested that Bush would be back for the procedures of staff which had been standard under Eisenhower: » Ronald Reagan is apparently unaware of this simple ‘Standard Operating Procedure’, but we know from experience that Bush is not. That is why me and my old friends are on the corner of George Bush in the race for the Presidency: seen not only as one who has wisdom, discretion and the ability to grasp the reality of our situation on the plateau of international game, but also as one who will nominate as its true experts of consulting key in the relevant areas – unlike the inexperienced with men President Reagan surrounded himself. […] It happens that we are in a State of national crisis, but due to the success of Soviets to dezinformatzia and our particular sensitivity, it is not recognizable. We see Bush as the candidate who, speaking with a voice of authority, can make it recognizable. « This statement is doubly interesting, because it is an obvious precursor the mood of bureaucratic triumphalism that marked the first weeks of the Bush Administration, when the new team launched what was announced as a » review of policy « on relations Soviet to return to hard bargaining after the departure of the slobbering sentimental Reagan.

Bush and Atwater feared their competition. They feared the former Governor Pierre DuPont in Delaware because of his appeal to Liberals and Republican blueblood who might otherwise automatically gravitate to Bush. They feared New York representative in Congress Jack Kemp because of his appeal to the right wing of the GOP, the blue-collar Democrats Reagan, and his disturbing habit of talk initiative of defence policy and many other issues. They feared that Senator Bob Dole of Kansas with its ‘root canal economy’, the right-wing populism, and its support without reservation of the agreement international grain may seem more credible for the bankers of Wall Street than Bush as an executor of austerity and sacrifice. But at the same time, they knew that Bush has more money to spend and organization of State-by-State incomparably more than any of his rivals for the GOP, not to mention legendary brothers Brown, edge of media Harriman. Bush also found the Republican National Committee with a ferocity as Stalin, deny these assets to all of its rivals. This has allowed Bush to wheel to the right in 1986 – 87 to appease some of his critics there and then return to the Center at the time of the primaries. Indeed, many layers of Bush with money and political apparatchiki is allowed so that it will absorb same stunning defeats as the result of the Iowa caucuses without bending. Victory, thought that Bush would belong to big battalions.

But all the money and the Organization could not hide the fact that Bush was basically a weak candidate. It began to become evident to Atwater and his team of propagators of the perception that the Iowa caucuses began modeling upwards. It was the caucus that Bush had won until niftily in 1980, giving him the flighty charisma of the Mo Big. In 1988, Bush’s Iowa effort had become complicated in reality, in the form of a farm crisis that drove thousands of peasants bankrupt each week. Voters were now furious with the avuncular actor Ronald Reagan and were looking for a way to send a message to the entire head to Washington DC. Branstad Iowa Governor complained as early as the month of February, 1986: « I do not think that his advisers are even keep [Bush] informed about the scale of the farm crisis. » « We have a crisis in the agricultural sector and that person is responsible ». Bush’s Iowa campaign was dripping with lucre, but it now produced resentment among rural voters dark and grey-face.

Mid-October, 1987, five of the six declared Republican candidates attended a traditional gathering of GOP Iowa Ames, North of Des Moines, on the campus of Iowa State University. Télévangéliste Pat Robertson surprised others mobilizing 1 300 enthusiastic supporters for Saturday’s event. The culmination of this rally has been a presidential indicative vote, won by Robertson with 1 293 votes against 958 for Dole. Bush trailed badly with 864. This was an opportunity for incredible explanation of Bush of what was arrived: ‘ many people who support me, they were off at the air show, they were at their daughters coming out of the parties or departures upwards on the ground for this very important last round.  » [fn 32] Iowans many, including Republicans, had to ask what a debutante Cotillion was and began to meditate on the fact that they were not socially acceptable. But most have concluded that George Bush was the candidate imperial from another planet, devoid of the slightest notion of their lives and their daily problems.

During the buildup to the Iowa caucus, Bush continued to Dodge questions about the Iran-contra. The famous ‘city of tension’ meeting with Dan Rather took place during this period. Lee Atwater considered decisive event of Bush’s performance for the year, a screen that makes him look like John Wayne, Clint Eastwood and Gary Cooper, especially in the South, where people like a pol who « can kick someone’s ass » and where it would make a big difference Super Tuesday.

But Bush managers were nevertheless shocked when Dole won the Iowa caucus with 37% of the vote, followed by Robertson with 25%. Bush has managed only a dismal, with 19%, a massive collapse compared to 1980, when it was much less known to the public.

Bush knew that defeat was imminent in Iowa, and he had scuttled outside the State and went to New Hampshire, until the results are known. Bush was nonetheless surprised by its ignominious third place finish, and he consulted with Nick Brady, Lee Atwater, Chief of staff Craig Fuller and pollster Bob Teeter. Atwater had boasted that he had built a ‘wall of fire’ in the southern States of the Super Tuesday that would prevent any rival to take the nomination away from Bush, but the Bush image-mongers were well aware that a loss in New Hampshire could prove a fatal blow to their effort to set, the advantages of money, organization and networks despite. Atwater was accordingly ordered a hugh media buy of 1 800 points aside crude, enough to ensure that theoretical of New Hampshire viewers would be exposed to an advertisement to attack Bush 18 times in the last three days before the election. The ad Bob Dole, tried by the Bushmen as their most formidable challenger from New Hampshire, the finger and he savagely for ‘horse’ on the question of whether or not new taxes to impose. The announcement declared that Bush « will not increase taxes, » period. Bush has been glorified as opposed to an oil import tax and for having supported the NIF of Reagan Treaty on nuclear forces in Europe from the outset. It was during this week desperate in New Hampshire that Bush became inseparably attached to his lie and demagogic « no new tax » giving pledge, which he has repudiated with great pomp in the spring of 1990.

The Bush campaign has brought in former Boston Red Sox star Ted Williams, driver test Chuck Yeager and finally even old Barry Goldwater to help humanize the appearance of George on the forums. George worked a long day, putting in five or six radio interviews before 07:30, proceed to an event of telegenic campaign staged for local news in the evening and then campaigning extensively in places it suggested by the Governor of New Hampshire John Sununu, his main partner in the State.

When Bush arrived in Manchester the night of the disastrous result Iowa, Sununu had promised a victory of nine points for Bush in his State. Oddly enough, which proved quite be reason. The final result was 38% for Bush, 29 percent for Dole, 13% for Kemp, 10% for DuPont and 9% for Robertson. Was Sununu a clairvoyant? It was perhaps, but those who are familiar with the workings of the quadrennial New Hampshire are aware of a potential of stuffing great urn assembled there by the establishment political blueblood. Some observers said fraud pervasive vote in the primaries of New Hampshire from 1988, and Pat Robertson, as we shall see, also raised this possibility. The machine Sununu delivered exactly as promised, securing of the Governor to the position of Chief of staff of the White House. Sununu is soon so it inebriated with the trappings of the Imperial as Presidency evidenced its travel patterns proposed to replace the state motto appearing on the New Hampshire license plates of « Live Free or Die ‘ » fly free or die.» In any case, for Bush the heartfelt « thank you, New Hampshire’ he intoned after his surprising reported victory than his machine had withstood its most serious crisis.

The real thanks for Bush in New Hampshire come little by little, in the form of an economic depression accelerated. Shortly after the vote in 1988, the bottom fell out of State real estate boom, banks began failing and unemployment rate, pointed upwards. In 1991, use of food stamps he ascended 51%.-an lesson of what happens to those who fail to stand up to George Bush.

In the primary in South Carolina, the Bushmen were concerned about a possible threat of the television evangelist Pat Robertson, who had ridden his major effort in the Palmetto State. Robertson was widely known through his appearances on his Christian Broadcasting Network. Shortly before the South Carolina vote, a scandal became public that has involved another television evangelist Jimmy Swaggart, a close friend of Robertson and an active supporter of the presidential campaign of Robertson. Swaggart has admitted to consorting with a prostitute, and this caused a serious crisis in his Ministry. Jim Baker of the PTL television Ministry had already been marred by a sex scandal. Robertson accused the Bush campaign of orchestrating the Swaggart revelations at a time that would be particularly beneficial to their man. Speaking to reporters, Robertson said « the evidence that two weeks before the primaries… it suddenly comes to light. » Robertson said that the Bush campaign has been prone to tricks « shady » and suggested that his own last-place finish in New Hampshire was « very likely » the result of ‘dirty tricks’ of the Bush campaign. Bush responded by rejecting accusations of Robertson as « crazy » and « absurd ». Robertson had made the link between Bush « the international banking community » in his campaign in South Carolina. [fn 33]

True to his Southern strategy, Atwater had « at the beginning of period » effort of Bush in the southern States with money, the political officers and television, strained the legal limit of what could be spent during the primary season as a whole. A few days before the Super Tuesday came the South Carolina primary. Here the Bush before a group of 20 ministers fundamentalist Evangelical and declared with a straight face: « Jésus Christ is my personal Savior. » The State Governor, Carol Campbell, was a former client of Lee Atwater. Strom Thurmond has been for Dole, but his support proved to be worthless. Here, Bush got 37 delegates from the State by scoring 48% of the votes to 21 percent for Dole, 19% for Robertson and 11 percent for Kemp.

On the way from Super Tuesday, Bush stopped in Miami addressing a constituency with which he had been closely associated for three decades: the Miami Cubans. Bush was accompanied by Barry Goldwater and Governor of Florida Bob Martinez, later chosen as Marshal of phony Bush war against drugs. There was a good turnout of Cuban American Republicans, who idolized George and also his son Jeb Bush, the former president of Dade County GOP, who became the Secretary of Commerce in Florida. Obviously with the help of the family network, Jeb had put pressure on the Immigration and Naturalization Service to obtain work permits for the wave of Nicaraguan immigrants, floods in the South of Florida, not a few of them were part of the operations of drug traffickers from the Contras. The gathering took place at the University Florida International, and before his keynote speech, Bush spoke to a class in international relations, where he wore his old obsessions on his sleeve. There was no sign of a change of Fidel Castro, a student wanted to know. ‘No,’ said Bush, « and will not change our policy toward Fidel Castro.

Bush was shocked when the Professor Mark Rosenberg FRA Latin American Caribbean Center initiates at the rally in terms that were a little short eulogy. Rosenberg noted that Bush had been « questionable political decisions » in the scandal Iran-contrea and also called the ‘high sleaze factor’ of the Reagan-Bush regime. «[Bush] are willing to clean up the economic mess of Reagan?, « asked Rosenberg. »» « » Time will tell. « Rosenberg has been grabbed by the shoulders and hustled to off the shelf by the FIU President and presumed Bushman Modesto Madique. Bush built his address around a promise that no Cuban-Americans would be deported to Cuba under a Bush administration. « They are fleeing oppressive Marxism under Fidel Castro, and they will not be processed as if they were coming here for other purposes [Economic], » intoned Bush. There were cries of ‘Ariba! »from a crowd which contained Cubans nodes, those who came during the Castro boat lift. It is a promise that Bush would violate in any case, some prison riots would later recall to the public. [fn 34]

Then, in March Super 8 Tuesday from the poll, Bush scored a triumph on the whole, the Board of Directors, winning in Florida, Texas, Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Virginia, Missouri and Maryland, over Massachusetts and Rhode Island outside the region. It was better than a plebiscite of Napoleon Bonaparte. With that, Bush took 600 803 delegates at stake that day there. the 4.5 million Republicans had voted, the highest participation rate ever GOP primary South. Most votes were votes for Reagan in the part of the country who felt less disillusioned by the great Communictor, but they were all marked as a vote for Bush. When Bush beat Dole by a margin of three to two in Illinois, supposed to be part of the basis of Dole, everything was finished. Bush prepared for the convention and the selection of a Vice President.

The 1988 Bush campaign had no problems, but only the demagogic themes. It was essentially all on the table in June, well before the Republican convention. The first was the pledge of no new tax later embroidered with the harmonics of hard from Clint Eastwood’s ‘ Read My Lips-no new Taxes. ‘ The other themes reflect studies of how to mount the negative form of the Democratic opponent to Bush, who would be the Governor of Massachusetts Dukakis Atwater. Since, Bush has begun to harp on the veto of Dukakis of a bill requiring teachers lead their class every day in the pledge of allegiance. Speaking in Orange County, California, on June 7, Bush said: « I will never understand when it came to his desk, why he vetoed a Bill which provided for the oath of allegiance in the sschools of Massachusetts. I will never understand it. We are a nation under God. Our children should say the pledge of allegiance. « [fn 35]

This theme lends itself very well to a very cathexized of Visual representation, with flags and banners. Atwater was assisted in these matters by Roger Ailes, a professional television who had been the Executive producer of the Mike Douglas Show at the time wherever he was 27 years old. It was in 1967, when he was hired by Richard Nixon and Leonard Garment. Wings had been one of the more cynical designers from the sale of the President in 1968, and he remained in the game political media since then. Between them, Atwater and wings produce the modern equivalent of American television for a rally of the party Nurmeburg of the 1930s.

Around this time, the network of Bush we observed in operation on the Reader Digest from the 1964 campaign conveniently printed an article about a certain Willie Horton, a black convicted murderer who was released from a prison in Massachusetts in a permission and then fled to Maryland, where he raped a white woman and stabbed her fiance. The leave program Massachusetts had been initiated by the Republican Governor Frank Sargent, but it meant nothing. Bush was to use Willie Horton in the same way as Hitler and the Nazis exploited the grisly crimes of a Harmann, a serial killer in Germany at the beginning of the 1930s, in their calls for public order. In Illinois in mid-June, Bush begins to speak of how Dukakis pushed « murderers. » on vacation to terrorize the innocent « Democrats can not find in their hearts to crack down on criminals, » Bush ranted. « What the Governor of Massachusetts thought he was doing when he pushed murderers condemned to first degree on weekend packages, even after one of them criminally, brutally raped a woman and stabbed her fiancé? » Why he did not admit his mistake? Eight months later, he still defended his program, and that when the Massachusetts legislature voted overwhelmingly to remove this program has finally given. I think Governor Dukakis owes the American people an explanation of why he supports this outrageous program. »

Packaged by Bush managers, it was completely racist without being as nominally so, abbreviation of « crime in the streets » Nixon for racist backlash during the 1968 campaign. Later, Bush would embroider this theme with its demand for the death penalty, its own final Solution to the problem of criminals as Willie Horton. These themes fit very well in the standard Bush campaign event, which was very often Bush before a local police department for their approval. Ability of Bush to organize these events in places like Boston, to the great embarrassment of the Dukakis, reflects without doubt strongly supported by the CIA’s Security Office, which was the office who kept in touch with police services across the country, and inevitably infiltrated them.

All the themes Bush corresponded to wedge issues, Pavlovian schemes who sows discord, Republicans of the South were become experts in during their years battering and dismantling of the coalition work classic Roosevelt, towns, black, peasants and intellectuals. They have been designed to appease the most vile prejudices of the majority, while the crime of a minority and carefully avoiding any real policy or economics that could be to the imperatives of Wall Street or the bureaucracy of Washington.

To cap off this demagoguery, George H.W. Bush Skull and Bones portrayed Dukakis as an elitist Insider: « Governor Dukakis, his point of view of foreign policy born in the shop of Harvard Yard, would reduce the muscle of our defence. » Common litany of Bush’s « liberal Governor of Massachusetts » was shameless in its main purpose of suggesting that Bush himself was not a liberal. Later, in 1990, Barbara Bush would admit that she and George « concerned people » and were therefore both Liberals.

When Bush arrived in New Orleans for the Republican National Convention, it shows signs of being particularly conscious of the race. Propagators of the image had organized a meeting of Reagan-Bush on the road to air traffic; Reagan was departing from the convention after a long platitude-nostalgic farewell the day before. Now, it would drop the mantle in George, with the proper camera angles. After a few seconds of conversation with Reagan, Bush, and Bar called over three of their grandchildren, all of the family of their son Jeb, the leader of the party of GOP in Miami and his wife Columba ibero-American. « It’s the children of Florida Jebbie, » Bush said, in a voice that has been taken up by the sound of airport system. « Small Browns. « Jebbie is the big one in a shirt yellow saying the oath of allegiance tonight. » « Oh, really, » observed Nancy Reagan. Skin color has always meant a lot for Bush, but he had really been born with one foot silver in her mouth. [fn 36]

Bush is now repaired home of Admiral at the Belle Chase Naval Air Station where this scene was played. Bush was accompanied Friday by daughter Baker, Teeter, Fuller, Atwater, wings and Baker, Margaret Tutwiler. Until this point Bush staff expected say it to generate a little waiting around the convention by hiding the name of his vice choice presidential until the morning of the last day of the convention, when Bush could share his secret very important with the caucus of Texas and then to the world.

Bush vetting of the vice-presidents was made between Bush and Robert Kimmitt, counsel for Washington and cronyism Baker who joined the clique in power of the Baker at the State Department before submitted to the Ambassador of Germany when Vernon Walters quit in the spring of 1991. United Germany can now boast an American Ambassador, whose greatest achievement was guiding Bush to the choice of J. Danforth Quayle. Bush and Kimmitt considered the obvious choices: Kemp was released because he taught Bush on the SDI and was too concerned issues. Dole was out because he kept sniping at Bush with his patented sardonic zingers. Elizabeth Dole was a choice to be considered imprudent. John Danforth, Pete Domenici, Al Simpson and others have been eliminated. Many have been the choices that had to be dismissed not because of lack of stature, but because they can seem to have a stature more than Bush himself. Quayle had shown on the lists established by Fuller and wings. Ed Rollins, harmony with Reagan Democrats, could not believe that Quayle was seriously proposed. But now, Belle chasse Naval Air Station North of New Orleans, Bush told his staff that he chose Dan Quayle. Not only was it Quayle, but Bush thyroid was now in overdrive: he wanted to announce its selection within hours. Quayle has been contacted by telephone and asked to meet Bush on the dock in New Orleans when the paddle-wheeled steamer Natchez brought Bush down the Mississippi to Spanish Plaza of this city.

Upturned Quayle on the dock in a State of euphoria while intoxicated, grabbing the arm of Bush, prancing and dancing around Bush. Bush was momentarily surprised: if he had hired a Dervish? As soon as files on Quayle came out, a few questions were asked. His office in the Senate had a breakpoint for contra resupply efforts? One of the figures in the Iran-contra, Rob Owen, had indeed worked for Quayle, but Quayle has denied everything. Quayle, now a hawk, had been at the Viet Nam? Tom Brokaw asked Quayle if he had help to join the National Guard as a way to dodge the draft? Quayle stammered that twenty years ago, but maybe « phone calls have been made. » Then, Dan Rather asked Quayle what was his worst fears. « Paula Parkinson, » was the response. This was the lobbyist’s wife and Playboy model naked who was present with Quayle at a wild weekend in a club of countries of Florida in 1980. The image-mongers Bush convened hastily sessions of damage control and Quayle received two professional managers, Stuart Spencer and Joe Canzeri. Spencer was an experienced GOP operative who had done public relations and Council’s activities with a value of $350 000 for general Noriega of Panama during the mid-1980s. [fn 37] After a few Bush-Quayle joint appearances before groups of veterans of the war in an attempt to resolve the issue of the National Guard of Quayle, Quayle was then tossed in secondary markets of media under the control of iron of its new managers of.

Although Bush is impulsive proclamation of his choice of Quayle raises the question of the decision of hyperthyroidism wink indeed, the choice of Quayle was not impuslve, but rather perfectly coherent with the profile and the pedigree of Bush. Bush told Baker that Quayle had been « my first and only choice. [fn 38] Selection of Bush’s political appointments is very often the result of Bush-Walker family alliances during more than a generation, as in the case of Baker, Brady, grey boy and Henry Kravis, or at least a long and often lucrative collaboration firm, like Mosbacher. The choice of Quayle lies somewhere between the two and has been strengthened by a deep ideological affinity in the issue of racism.

The grandfather of J. Danforth Quayle was Eugene C. Pulliam, who has built an empire of press important from its purchase of the Champion Atchison (Kansas) in 1912. Most of these documents were in Indiana, the State of origin of the clan Pulliam and Arizona. ‘Gene’ Pulliam died in 1975, but its chain of newspapers was worth an estimated $ 1.4 of the time, that Dan Quayle became a household word. Pulliam was an auto ideologue proclaimed: « if I wanted to make money, I’d go in the binding activity. I never was interested in the money that I made but the influence we have. « [fn 39] Gene Pulliam was one of the first power-holders to encourage the political career of the young Barry Goldwater in 1949. thanks to the support of the Pulliam Arizona Republic and the Phoenix Gazette. The death of Gene Pulliam, his last word was not « Rosebud » but « Goldwater, » striped on a block just before he breathed his last.

Former gene was a firm opponent of racial integration. When Martin Luther King Jr. was murdered in 1968, Gene Pulliam has sent a note to the drafting of its papers in Indianapolis, Indiana ordered does not give the King tragedy « large exposure » because he considered the civil rights leader a « rabble rouser. » He asked that the news of the death of the King be summarized in as few words as possible and relegated at the bottom of the cover page.

The Bush-Quayle alliance thus rested primarily on a shared premise of racism.

Old man Pulliam had a vendetta against the Kennedy family. During the primaries of 1968, he sent a memo to his publishers asking them: « full coverage give Senator [Eugene] McCarthy, but this does not apply to a man named Kennedy. » Pulliam argued Tricky Dick. Bobby Kennedy has also held the chain Pulliam contempt. Once when he came to Indianapolis, he concluded that he was to be denied a permit to hold a rally in downtown. When when his supporters urged him to go there and have the rally without a permit, Kennedy replied that he could not think of a fate worse than to have to spend the night in the Marion County jail, having nothing to read, but the Indianapolis Star, the paper Pulliam.

Dan Quayle had been a mediocre student at DePauw University, where he managed to graduate with an average 2.4. He was a party boy and received many Ds in its major political science. Quayle has lived in the fraternity Delta Kappa Epsilon (fraternity even Bush had been a member at Yale). «  » During the autumn of 1968, the DKE House, according to testimony, « triggered a party without that a mother of the House for the first time and sponsored a frat party, known as »The journey ». » According to some, it was actually party to the course which the LSD hallucingoen has been distributed. According to a published report, a picture of J. Danforth Quayle that appears in the directory of DePauw University has a caption that reads: «  » The journey »is a psychedelic trip coloured wild sites and sounds produiced LSD. » [fn 40]

Quayle is known for the vast majority of the American public as a virtual moron. Quayle is the first representative of the Baby boomers into national elective office after the war. Unfortunately, it seems to expose some of the intellectual impairment that can exceed long-term habitual marijuana users.

Quayle was admitted by the Faculty of law of the University of Indiana in violation of the usual policy of the school to reject all candidates with an academic average of less than 2. 6. he wanted to be a lawyer because he had heard that « the lawyers make a lot of money and do little » as he said to his brothers of the fraternity at De Pauw. As it turned out, the Dean of admissions at the Faculty of law of the University of Indiana was a G. Kent Frandsen, who was judge Republican city in Lebanon, Indiana, a city where the Pulliam family controls the local newspaper. He had always been supported by the interests of Pulliam. Two years later, Frandsen would officiate at the wedding of J. Danforth Quayle to Marilyn Tucker. Still later Frandsen would serve as campaign Director of Quayle in the Boone County during the 1986 Senate race. It was therefore not surprising that Frandsen was ready to welcome Dan Quayle Faculté of law under a program for disadvantaged students, mainly those of the black community.

After all that, it may appear as a marvel that Dan Quayle was never able to get a law degree. J. receipt of Danforth’s this degree seems to have been powerfully facilitated by family plutocratic Quayle, who made large donations to the Faculty of law, each year during the time of Dan as a law student.

What have been the Quayle passtimes during his law school years? According to testimony, they included recreational drugs. During the summer 1988, a Mr Brett Kimberlin said Dennis Bernstein and a public radio’s WBAI in New York that he had first met J. Danforth during this period at a celebration of the brotherhood in which marijuana was actually consumed. « He discovered that I had avilable marijuana at the time, » said Kimberlin. « It was good, and he asked if I had one to sell… I thought it was strange. He looked kind of right. I thought it might be a narc [DEA agent] as a first step. But we talked and I felt a little more comfortable, and finally I gave him my phone number and said: « Hey, well, call me. » He called me a few weeks later and told him: ‘Hey, this is DQ. Can we meet?’ and I said yes, « meet me at the restaurant Burger Chef. » We hit a relationship that lasted 18 months. I sold him small amounts of marijuana for personal use once per month during this period. It was a good customer. He was one of my friends. We had a very good relationship. He has always paid cash. […] When he and Marilyn were married in 1972, I gave him a current marriage of some hashish from Afghanistan and some Acapulco gold. « [fn 41]

Kimberlin repeated those charges in an interview before the elections on NBC News, November 4, 1988. Kimberlin was a federal prisoner serving time in Tennessee after conviction on the charge of drug trafficking and of explosives. Later that same day Kimberlin was addressing a press conference by conference call. But before Kimberlin can speak to the press, he was placed in solitary confinement and was moved in and out of isolation as well after the presidential election on November 8. A press conference second attempt in case of telephone connection on the eve of the election did not took place because Kimberlin was still being held incommunicado. August 6, 1991, U.S. District judge Harold H. Greene ruled that the allegations made by Kimberlin against us Bureau of Prisons Director J. Michael Quinlan are « tangible and detailed » sufficient to warrant a trail. Kimberlin had accused Quinlan reveal order solitaire for him when it became apparent that its ability to better inform the media on the use of drugs to Quayle would interfere with the effort of Bush-Quayle.

In March 1977, Member of the Congress Dan Quayle has contributed to an article in Fort Wayne Indiana News-Sentinel in which it recommended that Congress take a ‘serious’ look to the decriminalization of marijuana. In April 1978, Quayle reiterated this proposal, stating that it supports the decriminalisation for novice users. [fn 42]

With regard to military service of Quayle, he had enlisted in the National Guard from Indiana on May 19, 1969, in the midst of a freeze on recruitment more which had been ordered because the Indiana National Guard exceeded fixed legally a full complement of labour. Guard service was popular among those threatened by the draft, since it almost guaranteed that the services rendered to the Viet Nam could be avoided. Dan Quayle had been declared 1 – A on May 25, 1969, while he was about to graduate from DePauw University. Quayle-Pulliam family influence helped induce National Guard Major general Wendell Phillippi admit Quayle and assign it to a desk job. At this time, Wendell Phillippi was also the Chief Editor of the Indianapolis News, a family property of Pulliam. [fn 43] Dan Quayle spent about a year in the National Guard, working as a journalist for the quarterly publication, Indiana National Guard, a sinecure.

Contrary to this, Quayle has campaigned as a « veteran of the Viet Nam-era » and a warmonger apocalyptic proportions.  » He said once a gathering of preachers fundamentalists than a nuclear war « would be hurry second Jesus come » crisis during the Gulf [fn 44] and the war in Iraq from 1990-91, Quayle has been the main voice of the Bush Administration threatening the use of nuclear weapons by the United States against Baghdad. This underlines the important role of Quayle cementing Bush own Armageddon connection to the apocalyptic millennialist strata among the Protestant fundamentalist Evangelical.

The energy that Dan Quayle is widely recognized to be his wife, Marilyn Tucker Quayle. Mrs, Quayle has been described as a « prototype of the new joint political age: an asset to her husband as a polished professional, not only a decorative substitute.  » [fn 45] Mrs. Quayle came from an evangelical family; his father, of Nineveh, Indiana, believes that Satan seeks to destroy the world and agreed with Ronald Reagan that the best president in his lifetime was « Silent Cal » Coolidge. Mrs. Quayle advocates the death penalty and says that she grew up in a family environment in which the daily study of the Bible was a duty for all. The Quayle family was Presbyterian in the beginning, but later broke with that name to gravitate towards the teachings of the spiritual leader of Houston, Texas the Colonel R.B. Thieme, whose messages are an institution in the household of Tucker.

Marilyn’s sister Nancy Tucker Northcott told a journalist that registered Thieme sermons were a constant background refrain in the Tucker House. Ms. Tucker  » they played all day, every day.  » This sister also noted that Marilyn « uses some of the things that [Thieme] Sunday school… in »his house as a supplement for thir own church, which is a branch of the Church of the Prebyterian of America. Marilyn Quayle itself approved R.B. Thieme devotional materials as « very good ». But Quayle and its managers attempted to Thieme family remotely.

Colonel R.B. Thieme is the pastor of Berachah Church, a fundamentalist Interfaith establishment situated in the District of Galleria in Houston, Texas. Thieme is a decidedly military casting preacher who occasionally wears its World War II U.S. Army Air Force unform during his appearances in the pulpit. The Bulletin and the list of prayer for the Church of Berachah stresses the military motif, with a quarter of its space is devoted to the parishioners who are serving with the army American. Taylor sees the world with the approach of the end of time and urges his Congregation to ‘prepare for battle,’ while ‘preparation for the Rapture « . His ideal is one of the « Knights Christians, soldiers going to war for Jesus. The official hymn of Berachah church book contains « Christian soldier, » with lyrics of doggerel ranting by Thieme set to the tune of the ‘men of Harlech, »Welsh traditional air: * Indent Christian soldier with Christ outbreak do not fear the devil of roaring, wave to the demons of Satan Clash with moaning sound wave.

« It is the thrust of the dagger of Satan, sin and death to make men to offset their disbelief in the dark, they will die in hell.

Gospel of a new salvation in Christ, a new creation by the word of God now goes ahead to launch its thunder bolts.

Christian soldiers you are Christ victorious and confident, strong and glorious, faith with faith an impressive victory Conquers sin and death. * END

In politics, Thieme rails on the modern United States as a « mobocracy » threatened by the « Satanic propaganda » and « creeping socialism ».

The liturgy for the Congregation of lilly-white of Thieme is built around a conference in which Thieme distributes a strange and eclectic mix of Hebrew and Greek Philology, Biblical nominalism, modern psychological jargon and plain gibberish while his audience sitting in what looks like a high school auditorium and busily take notes and highlight passages in their Bibles. Control of nature of fishing, we learn, can lead to dissociation and multiple personality disorder. There are eight steps of the reversionism through which a psycho-believer can descend to implosion and autonomous fragmentation. It is a blasphemy to the promises of God. We should not be sorry for the sins, but we should turn our minds away from sin. It is blasphemy to say that we invite Christ to come into our hearts. on the contrary, Christ invites us. Spiritually believers dead brain do not understand that they can be saved by faith alone and mind (pneumatikos). There are those among the new-born who become murderers, and so forth in infusion eclectic and vindictive.

R.B. Thieme has been described as « a cult figure » by James Dunn, Executive Director of the Committee joint Baptiste on public affairs in Washington. Controversial through it maybe even among fundamentalists, Thieme is one of the points of contact of the Quayle family with the legions of Armageddon, which provided a crucial base of support for the Bush-Quayle administration during the Gulf war.

Bush himself has a very strong apocalyptic streak, expressed more often in the apocalyptic language of the RAND Corporation, in theological terminology of an R.B. Thimeme. But there is convergence amply, as shown in this interview with Robert Scheer on the trail of campaign in the early 1980s. Scheer began with Bush asking, « how to win in a nuclear exchange?  » Response by Bush:

Bush: You have a capacity of survival of command control, survivability of potential industrial protection and a percentage of your citizens and you have an ability that inflicts more damage on the opposition that it may impose on you. This is how you can be a winner and the Soviets planning is based on the concept of ugly of a winner in a nuclear exchange.

Scheer: You want say like five percent survive? Two percent?

Bush: More than that – if everyone has what he had shot, you’d have more that survive. [fn 46]

The value offered nothing Bush presidential campaign. In his acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention on August 18, 1988, Bush has professed the Calvinist belief of a man who sees life in terms of ‘missions ‘. the mission now, he thought, was to ensure that the ‘American Century’ ruin of colonel Stimson and his cabal of the second world war which « reads the world with our culture » was followed by « another American century. » Bush has promised to avoid war: « we have peace, and I will not take away it. » Bush hammered on his theme of voluntarism-hype-corporatism with his famous celebration of « the idea of community » and his « thousand points of light » like a recipe to treat the human wreckage being stacked by unbridled free enterprise, which he remained for all his life. The irreverent soon converted to which « thousand points of blight. »

Remarkably, Bush was still a few promises on the economic plan. He went to the folder once more with his «  » read my lips: no new taxes. ‘  » He boasted that the forces of Reagan-Bush had created 17 million jobs during the five previous years of recovery. It is committed to creating « 30 out of eight, 30 million jobs over the next eight years. » (Mass pay Non agricultural were just over 107 million when Bush took office and is passed to a little more than 110 million in the middle of 1990.) Then, with an average of 2 000 layoffs a day, total unemployment declined through the early fall of 1991, with a net loss of about 1.5 million jobs. Bush is not on track to filfill this promise, which nobody did heard him repetaing since the election. There was no ‘kinder, gentler nation. »

The last phase of the campaign was played in the middle of the vast public indifference. Some interest has been generated in recent weeks by a lecherous material oif interest, and not policy: rumors flew of a Bush sex scandal. This talk, powered by the old story of Jennifer Fitzgerald, was created in 1987 as a result of the undercover operation successful against Gary Hart. Gossip has become intense enough that Bush asked his father if he had been guilty of womanizer. The younger Bush sent to the press that « the answer to the Big question [adultery] is NW.’ Lee Atwater accused David Keene of the Dole campaign to help circulate the rumor and Keene, speaking on a television program, responded that Atwater was « a liar. » Soon after, a « sex Summit » was held between Bush and Dole, camps with the aim of remaining with correct GOP decorum even in the middle of the acrimony of the campaign. [fn 47]

Evans and Novak has opined that « Atwater and the rest of the Bush staff, convinced that the rumors would be published soon, responded in a way that spelled panic in enemy anmd both.  » June 17, 1987, Michael Sneed of the Chicago Sun-Times wrote that « several major newspapers are sifting… ». reported Mr. Boring flirt. « [fn 48] but during the summer 1988, Brown Brothers, Harriman/skull and bones networks were powerful enough to suppress the story and spare Bush any embarrassment.

During the weeks before the election, LA Weekly, another paper in Los Angeles, has devoted an entire issue « of the dark side of George Bush ». British newspapers such as the London Evening Standard tabloid repeated some details, but the Americans press organs were monolithic in refusing to declare anything; Bush networks were in total control. Then rumors began to fly that the Washington Post was preparing to publish an account of the pecadillos of sex of Bush. On Wednesday, October 19, the New York Stock Exchange was swept by reports that damaging stories for Bush were about to appear, and this has been cited as a contributing factor in one point 43 drop in the Dow Jones Industrial Average. The Wall Street Journal and USA Today carefully taken history, but in very vague terms. The Wall Street Journal wrote that the Washington Post was preparing a story that « Bush had focused on an extramarital affair, » a report « that he [Bush] had a mistress for several years. » « One of the allegations is that Bush had an extramarital affair during the mid-1970s with a woman who was no longer in his entourage.

Donna Brazile of the Dukakis campaign staff told journalists in New Haven, Connecticut: « I was not on the stock market yesterday but I understood, they were a bit afraid that George was at the White House with someone else that Barbara. I think that George Bush owes it to the American people to ‘ cut up… «  »Americans were perfectly entitled to know if Barbara Bush will share that bed with him at the White House. I want to talk about Barbara Bush and someone with the initials J.F. or whatever names are,  » said Ms. Brazile. Was it a reference to Jennifer Fitzgerald? A few hours later, Donna Brazile, a young black woman who had also accused the Bushmen use « each code word and the symbol of racial to package their little racist campaign, » was drawn from the Dukakis campaign. Paul Brountas, a close adviser to Dukakis, said that he would not accuse the Bush campaign of being racist. With the Willie Horton ads in videos everywhere, many could not believe their ears. After an Associated Press Wire sent on Thursday, October 20 offered another summary of the rumor, Bush Sheila Tate press aid rejected any history as « heated on garbage. » [fn 49] But ultimately, the Washington Post published no story, and question was stifled by the brute force of the Bush media networks.

Ultimately, the greatest asset of the 1988 Bush campaign was opponent of Bush Michael Dukakis. There is every reason to believe that Dukakis was chosen by democratic power brokers, Bush and bankers in the East of the hotel mainly because he was so manifestly unwilling and unable seriously to oppose Bush. There are many indications that the Massachusetts Governor had chosen to take a dip. The most serious suspicions are in order if ever there was a Dukakis campaign at all. Reagan soon made his famous quip, ‘I will not to pick on an invalid, »focusing the attention of the intense public refusal to Dukakis to release his medical records.

The coloured maps used by television networks in the night of November 8 introduced a Bush victory, which, although less compelling than two landslides of Reagan, still seemed impressive. A closer examination of total actual vote reveals well a different lesson: even in competition with the awkward and craven Dukakis campaign, Bush remained a pitifully low candidate who, despite an overwhelming advantages of incumbency, money, organization, years of activity of enemies list, a free ride by the controlled media and a pathetic opponent, just managed to win an hairsbreadth margins.

Bush won 53% of the vote, but if only 535 000 voters in eleven States (or 600 000 voters in nine States) were passed to Dukakis, the latter would have been the winner. The GOP ruled the land west of the Mississippi for many moons, but Bush had managed to lose three Pacific States, Oregon, Washington and Hawaii. Bush won the megastates such as Illinois and Pennsylvania by thin margin as of 51% paper and the vote of California very important, which went to Bush by 52%, had been too close for the comfort of George. Missouri was also appealed by up to 52% for George. In the farm States, the devastation of the GOP free enteprise caused Iowa and Wisconsin to join Minnesota in the Democratic column. Chronically depressed in West Virginia was no George. In the oil fields, the Democrats posted the percentage of earnings even if Bush routed these States: Texas, Oklahoma and the Democratic presidential election has increased between 7% and 11% compared with Mondale’s 1984 Louisiana disaster. In the Midwest, Dukakis managed to carry four dozen counties that were not gone for a democratic presidential candidate since 1964. All in the entire half of the electoral votes of Bush come from States in which it obtained less than 55.5% of the bipartisan vote, showing that it was no runaway Bush landslide.

Exit polls showed that less than half of Bush voters were firmly committed to him, pointing to the fact that Bush has never managed to win the loyalty of all identifiable groups in the population, except ghosts and the bluebloods. At the time of the election, the official statistics of the Reagan regime were alleging an inflation rate of annual consumption of 5.2% and a figure of 4.1% unemployment. Exit polls that 53% of all voters through that the economy was getting better. While the economic crisis is worsening in 1992, all of these figures will belong to the good old days. A comparison of the victory of Bush in the caucuses of Iowa from 1980 with his miserable third place it in 1988, it is a good indicator of how completely support for Bush may collapse due to a dramatic economic deterioration, once more that Bush has no loyal political support base.

Voter turnout hit a new post-war low, with just 49.1% of eligible voters appear at the polls, significantly worse than the Truman-Dewey’s 1948 confrontation, while 51% felt deserve to vote. This means that Bush should govern the country with 26.8% of eligible voters vote in his pocket. Bush had won a number of Southern States by unbalanced margins by about 20%, but it was correlated in many cases with very low overall turnout, which has dipped below 40% in Georgia and South Carolina. A big plus factor for George was the very low black turnout in the South, where a significant black vote helped Democrats regain control of the Senate in 1986. With Dukakis capture 90% of the black vote, a greater black participation would have created serious problems for George. Bush knows that victory in 1992 will now depend on black turnout down, and this is part of the reasons for his appointment « wedge issue » to the right black Clarence Thomas to the supreme court, which split with success of blacks in such national organizations so that Bush hopes it will be able to ignore in 1992.

More generally, it would seem that Bush would be very happy to keep in the whole of the electoral participation of Council at depressed levels, since a larger vote could threaten only its results. Dukakis was able to attract only about half of the Reagan Democrats to their traditional party, despite the aura of preppy-blueblood of the Bush campaign, who would have normally found very offensive these voters. Therefore, the cause of Bush is well served by public scandals and media campaigns that tend to arouse the disgust generalized with the politics and Government, since these increase the likelihood that citizens will remain the home the day of the balloting, leaving George to dominate the field. It is no surprise that precisely these scandals, Congressional pay raises and the Keating five in Thomas nomination hearings have multiplied over the years of the Bush regime.

Among those Republicans who had managed to win the White House in two-way races (excluding the years 1948 or 1968, when totals were affected by Henry Wallace and Strom Thurmond Dixiecrats, or George Wallace), Bush was the lowest since skull fellow and former OS student William Howard Taft in 1908. [fn 50] These models could also indicate that the dominant role of the electoral votes of the former Confederate States of America in the national electoral College under the post-1968 South of the Republican strategy may be subject to erosion in 1992, in particular as a result of the economic depression of Bush.

Also, it is hoped that 1988 will prove in retrospect to have represented the upper threshold of mercenary media consultants and the campaign for the presidential elections. Touted Atwater policies at the same time that its staff contained media at least 28 officers and experts who had worked in at least three previous presidential elections, many of whom were also win the GOP efforts. These men have been taken from the Madison Avenue in New York and Connecticut Avenue Washington « Power Alley », where many of the better connected political consulting firms have their offices. It is clear that men as wings, Atwater, Deaver, Spencer and others have performed a function in the consoldation of a State modern American Leviathan that is exactly analogous to the vital services to the Third Reich’s propaganda Minister Dr. Josef Goebbels between 1933 and 1945. There is a menticide crime which consists in the deliberate destruction of the cognitive powers of another human being, and the campaigns organized by these consultants accounted menticide on a mass scale. Further: If international economic policies imposed on the world by the plans of Bush and Reagan-Bush demanded a death toll global annual more than 50 million unnecessary deaths, mainly in the developing sector, it has been men image mongers and public relations, who organized the national electoral consensus US that helped these policies genocide to go forward. For all these reasons, media and campaign consultants are fascist. They are fascist virulent typical of the American at the end of the 20th century totalitarian State, and this is true even if these advisors do not have the pompous attire of fascists Central Europeans over half a century.

Lee Atwater celebrated the inauguration of Bush playing his electric guitar in a rhythm and blues concert, in which its gyrations bordered on the downright obscene. Even if Lee Atwater had orchestrated the most racist presidential campaign in modern history, he still had the gall to during the spring of 1989 to be a candidate for a position on the Board of Trustees of Howard University, the institution historically black superior in Washington, DC. Atwater was forced to abandon this disgraceful candidature by a massive mobilization of the Howard students.

A few months later, Atwater proved be suffering from a malignant brain cancer. It is widespread around Washington that Atwater in his final days converted to Catholicism and has expressed repentance for many of the acts he has played during his political career. It appears certain that he apologized personally to some candidates he had reviled during various political campaigns. Atwater, died in April 1991 at the age of 40, it was widespread in Washington that he expressed deep remorse for having contributed to the creation of the Bush administration.

Return to Table of contents

NOTES:

1 Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover, wake us up when it’s on: presidential politics of 1984 (New York, 1985), p. 489.

2 Joseph Kraft, « The real George Bush », Washington Post, October 18, 1984.

3. we wake up when it is finished, p. 522.

4 George Will column, January 30, 1986, at will, The Morning After, p. 254.

5 Philip Geylin, « The makings of a success in Africa », Washington Post, 10 December 1982.

6. «  » bush made some waves at home, creates Big Splash in Sandinavia, « Washington Post, July 12, 1983. »

7. « bush ends trip to the subcontinent with links e largely unchanged, » Washington Post, May 19, 1984.

8. « mission at global level strengthens Bush to 88, »Washington Post, March 24, 1985.

9 see Sara Diamond, spiritual warfare, pp. 72-254.

10 Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, « Bush’s day at the head », Washington Post, January 27, 1988.

11. « bush is advised to Look Sharp Tuesday, » Washington Post, January 26, 1986.

12 maxine Cheshire, ‘VIP’, Washington Post, April 25, 1981.

13 Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, « Bush expects and hopes for Reagan Nod, » Washington Post, August 18, 1986.

14. « Reagan not Cite Bush affected questions, »Washington Post, September 12, 1987.  »

15 Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover, whose stripes Borad and Bright Stars: the Trivial Pursuit of the Presidency, 1988 (New York, 1989), p. 156.

16. «Bush is a success seemingly Ticklish.» Washington Post, December 12, 1985.

17. « New Hampshire Chill, » Washington Post, October 11, 1987.

18. whose broad stripes and bright stars, pp. 71-72 and 366.

19 Joe Conason, « The Grand scheme of Robert Mosbacher », Texas Observer, April 28, 1989.

20. ibid., p. 12.

21 County resources used by Eckels to boost the GOP, « Houston Post, February 8, 1985.

22 Houston Chronicle, June 2, 1989.

23 Douglas Caddy, letter to the Director of the FBI William Sessions, may 2, 1988.

24 Federal Election Commission Bulletin, volume 17, number 2, February 1991, p. 11.

25. the Washington Post, April 9, 1986.

26. the Washington Post, April 14, 1986.

27. the Washington Post, April 7, 1986.

28 see Thomas Burdick and Charlene Mitchell, Blue Thunder (New York, 1990), p. 73, 167 and 290-293.

29 blue Thunder, p. 167; Germond and Witcover, whose broad stripes and Bright Stars, p. 185, quote unnamed Hart AIDS campaign which « said later that they were convinced » that Lynn Armandt asked journalist Tom Fiedler of the Miami Herald with a Tip-Off that Donna Rice was going to washington to be the guest of one night or more of Gary Hart. But Fiedler denies that Armandt was the appellant.

30 Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover, wake us up when it is on (New York, 1985), pp. 326-327.

31. for Bush in the 1988 campaign, see Germond and Witcover, Whose broad stripes and Bright Stars.

32. the Washington Post, October 16, 1987.

33. « Robertson links Bush Swaggart scandal, » Washington Post, February 24, 1988.  »

34. « the country campaign Contra, »Washington Post, March 6, 1988.

35 Germond and Witcover, whose broad stripes and bright, stars p. 161.

36. the Washington Post, August 17, 1988.

37 Frank McNeil, war and peace in Central America, p. 277.

38. whose broad stripes and bright, stars p. 385.

39 Eleanor Randolph, « Ghost of the grandfather of Dan Quayle put to rest, » Dallas Times-Herald, August 23, 1988.

40 Alexander Cockburn, « beat the Devil: Dan Quayle, acid Freak? » The Nation, September 26, 1988, p. 226.

41 Joel Bleifuß, « In short, » In These Times, 16-22 November, 1988, p. 5, cited by Arthur Frederick Ide, Bush-Quayle: the legacy of Reagan (Irving, Texas: scholars Books, 1989), pp. 55-56.

42.

43 ide, Bush-Quayle, p. 14.

44 ide, Bush-Quayle, p. 5.

45 Elinor J. Brecher, « Marilyn Quayle called » prototype of the new age joint policy, « Louisville Courier-Journal., September 25, 1988″  »

46 « burning Bush », the Nation, March 8, 1980, p. 261.

47. the Washington Post, July 1, 1987.

48. the Washington Post, June 26, 1987.

49 Eleanor Randolph, « Bush rumor created dilemma for the media, » Washington Post, October 22, 1988.

50 see Kevin Phillips, the rich and the poor, policy (New York, 1990), p. 215; Facts on File,11 November 1988; and Paul R. Abramson, John H. Aldrich and David W. Rohde, change and continuity in the 1988 election (Washington DC: 1991 quarterly, Congress).

Surviving the Cataclysm

George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

Chapter – XXIII- The end of the story

Ist der Staat als die Wirklichkeit substantiellen Willens, die er in dem zu seiner Allgemeinheit erhobenen besonderen Selbstbewusstseyn Hat das an und für sich Vernuenftige. Diese substantial Einheit klassischen unbewegter Selbstzweck ist, in welchem die Freiheit zu ihrem hoechsten Recht kommt, so wie dieser Endzweck das hoechste Recht gegen die Einzelnen hat, deren hoechste Pflicht es ist, Mitglieder des Staats zu seyn.

G.W.F. Hegel, Grundlinien der philosophy des Rechts.

The inaugural address of George Bush’s January 21, 1989, was overall a highly clear and forgettable speech. The speech was largely a rehash of tired of Bush campaign demagoguery, with the ritual words « thousand points of light » and the hollow who are committed when it came to the flood of drugs that had allegedly beats Bush during most of the Decade, « this scourge stops. » Bush spoke about «managers» being transmitted from one generation to the other. There’s almost nothing on the State of the U.S. economy. Bush was concerned about the ‘Division’ of the Viet Nam era and that it is committed to finding favour a return to bipartisan consensus between the President and the Congress, since « the limitation period has been reached. It’s a fact: the last lesson of the Viet Nam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory. « There is good reason to believe that Bush was already considering the new round of foreign military adventures that were not expected. »

One thing is certain: Bush’s speech contains no promise to keep the peace of the sort that had appeared in his acceptance speech in New Orleans in August.

The characteristic note of Bush’s remarks came at the outset in the passages where he celebrated the triumph of the American variant of the bureaucratic authoritarian police state, based on wear and tear, who chooses to describe himself as ‘ « freedom: ».

We know what works: freedom works. We know what is right: freedom is good. We know how to secure a more just and more prosperous life for humans on Earth – through free markets, freedom of expression, free elections, and the exercise of free will unhampered by the State.

For the first time in this century, for the first time perhaps in history, the man doesn’t have to invent a system allowing to live. We must talk until late into the night on what form of Government is better. We should not tear the justice of Kings. We need only to convene in ourselves. We must act on what we know. [note 1]

After the inauguration at the Capitol ceremonies, George and Barbara Bush is down Pennsylvania Avenue toward the White House in a triumphant progress, get out of their limousine each block or two to walk among the crowds and enjoy the ovations. George Bush, imperial administrator and bureaucrat, has now reached the peak of his career, the last station of cursus honorum: the judiciary Chief. Bush now assumes the direction of a bureaucracy of Washington which focused more and more on itself and its own aspirations, convinced of his own omnipotence and infallibility, his own destiny manifest for world domination. It is a moment exhilarating, stuff of megalomaniac delusions.

Imperial Washington now knew the growing symptoms of the collapse of the Soviet Empire. The feared opponent of the four decades of the cold war collapsed. Germany and the Japan were great economic powers, but they are led by a generation of politicians who had been well schooled in the necessity of following orders of Anglo-Saxon. The France had abandoned its traditional Gaullist policy of independence and sovereignty and had returned to the conformism of the former Fourth Republic under Masonic brother of Bush François Mitterrand. Opposition to imperial Washington designs could still come large States of the sector development, India, the Brazil, Iraq and Malasia, but Imperial administrators, puffed up with their xenophobic for the former colonial contempt, were convinced that these States could not easily defeated, and that the third world would succumb meekly to the installation of regimes puppets Anglo-American in the way that the Philippines and had so many Latin American countries in the 1980s.

Bush could also survey on the Homefront with complacency complacency. He had won an election of the Congress in his riding of designer in Houston, but in 1964 and 1970, the majorities at the polls had proven elusive Thrasher. Now, for only the second time in his life, he had resolved the problem of winning a disputed election, and this time, it was the big one. Bush had a time filled with his greatest ambition and solved his most persistent problem, than to get himself elected to public office. He had dealt successfully with the thorny issue of governance in the domestic sphere, foiling the Jinx that had poisoned all sitting Vice Presidents who seek to move upwards after the success of Martin Van Buren in 1836.

Bush has assembled a team of fellow Malthusian bureaucrats and administrators among the officials who had with Republican administrations, dating back to 1969, the year that Nixon chose Kissinger for the National Security Council. People like Scowcroft, Baker, Carla Hills, and Bush himself had, with few exceptions, been in or around the Confederation and especially executive power for almost two decades, with only brief interruption of Jimmy Carter let them line their pockets in the private sector influence peddling. The cabinet of Bush and staff was convinced, it boasted the most powerful battery of curriculum vitae, the most complete experience, most impeccable references, any management team in the history of the world. All major policy issues had been resolved under Nixon, Ford and Reagan; the geopolitical situation was brought under control; all that remained was to consolidate and develop the entire administration of the world according to policies and procedures already established, while delivering a massive consensus by the same methods that had been just unbeatable in the presidential campaign. The Bush team was convinced of his own superiority inherent to the Mandarin Chinese, the Roman and Byzantine, Ottoman, the Austrian, Prussian, the Soviet and all other authoritarian regimes bureaucracy that had ever existed on the planet. Only the British East India Company was still in the same League, thought as the theorists of the wear of the Bush team. (Pride goeth before a fall, never. Late 1991, this same team has acquired the reputation of a gaggle of bumbling buffoons.)

These triumphant bureaucrats and, above all, George Bush himself were not kindly disposed to old Ronald Reagan, including the shadow that they had worked for so long. How many of them had been consumed with rage when plum posts had been given to the buddies reached Reagan-money fast in California! How they had cursed Reagan for sentimental child’s play when it made concessions to Gorbachov! Bureaucrats should not participate in Reagan drooling on Gorbachov, at least not immediately. they were there to drive a hard bargain, to ensure that the Soviet Union collapsed. They had accepted Reagan as a useful façade, an act of vaudeville harmless to keep the great unwashed masses amused, while the bureaucrats made their machinations. But the bureaucrats had a wild temperament, and they never appreciated the bumbling antics of any favorite uncles. If scripted Reagan had seemed an evil necessary as until it became indispensable to obtain the election victories and mass consensus, how intolerable, it seems now that it had been proved useless, now this imperial official, George Bush had won the election in his own right, without bobbing histrionics of Reagan!

Reagan-bashing has become one of the passions in the power of the new patrician regime. It was a question of Realpolitik that go beyond the simple words: it is the demolition of all machinery remaining Reagan policy, afraid that it provide a springboard for a political challenge to the plutocracy of little Lord Fauntleroy. The campaign was so intense that it prompted a letter from Richard Nixon to John Sununu complain an account of journal of aid at the White House speaking on background to depict Reagan as a dunce, far less than his successor. Nixon urged that « who was at the origin of this story should be fired as an example to others who might be tempted to play the same kind of game.  » Nixon denounced « anonymous staffers who believe that the way to build him [Bush] is to shoot the Reagan.» Sununu hastily telephoned Dick Tricky to reassure him there was also found the denigration of « absolutely intolerable » Reagan, but the sacking of the old Reagan only accelerated machine. An assistant to Bush boasted that the new President has been « in the business of governing, » then that poor old Reagan had been an accessory for photo shoots. [fn 2]

Of course, Imperial officials of the Bush team had chosen to ignore certain facts, especially the demonstrable bankruptcy and insolvency of their main financial institutions, credit and the Government. Their production of the command and if the capacity to act upon the material world was in decline. How long the U.S. population would remain in its state of passivity stunned face the deterioration of living conditions that were now falling faster than during the last twenty years? And now, the speculative orgy of the 1980s would have to pay for. Even their advantage over the Soviet Empire ruin was eventually only marginal and temporary, mainly due to a faster pace of the collapse of the Soviet side; but the day of reckoning for the Anglo-American forces would be coming, too.

It was the triumphalism that permeated the weeks of the opening of the Bush administration. Bush gave several press conferences during the transition period given by Reagan during the major part of his second term; It enamoured in the accoutrements of his new office and gave the press White House all photo shoots and interviews, they wanted their butter upwards and bring them in his pocket.

These foolish delusions of grandeur were properly planned in terms of the philosophy of history by an official of the Bush Administration, Francis Fukuyama, the Deputy Director of the State Department policy planning staff, the old hangout of Harrimanites like Paul Nitze and George Kennan. In the winter of 1989, during the first 100 days of Bush in office, Fukuyama gave a lecture at the Olin Foundation, which then was published in The National Interestquarterly under the title of « The end of history? » Imperial administrator Fukuyama had studied under the reactionary elitist Allan Bloom and was familiar with the French neo-enlightenment semiotic (or semi-idiot) School of Derrida, Foucault and Roland Barthes, whose the zero degree of writing Fukuyama may have tried to achieve. Above all, Fukayama was a follower of Hegel in the interpretation of post-war French neo-Hegelian Alexandre Kojève.

Fukuyama is regarded as the official of the Bush regime ideologue. Its starting point is ‘unabashed victory of economic and social liberalism,’ which means that the economic system and policy to reach maturity under Bush – that the State Department generally called ‘democracy ‘. « The triumph of the West, the Western idea, is evident first in the total exhaustion of the systematic viable alternatives to Western liberalism, » Fukuyama wrote. « The triumph of the Western political idea is done. His rivals have been routed… Political theory, at least the party concerned to define the good polity, is completed, « Fukuyama has opined. »»  » The Western idea of governance has prevailed. «  » What we may be witnessing is not only the end of the cold war, or the passing of a particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of humanity’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human Government.  » Fukayama, communism as an alternative system had bee completely discredited in the Soviet Union, China and other communist countries. Since there is no other visible models for the law in the future, it concludes that the modern American State is the « form final, rational society and the State ». Of course, there are large regions of the world where Governments and forms of society which differ radically from the Western model of Fukuyama prevail, but it meets this objection in explaining that backwards, even historic districts of the world exist and will continue to exist for some time. It’s just that they will never be able to submit their forms to the company as a credible model or an alternative to ‘liberalism ‘. Since Fukuyama probably knew something of what was in the pipeline of the Bush administration, he carefully kept the door open to new wars and military conflicts, in particular among the historical States, or between the historical and the histories of the powers. Panama and Iraq, according to the typology of Fukayam, would fall into the ‘history’ category.

Thus, in the opinion of the Bush at first, the planet would come over dominated by « Universal homogeneous State, » a mixture of « liberal democracy in politics combined with easy access to VCRs and stereos in the economic.  » The arid banality of this definition is accompanied by of Fukuyama bedazzled homage to ‘the spectacular abundance of advanced liberal economies and culture of diverse consumption infintely.’ Fukuyama, it turns out, is a resident of the enclave for Imperial officials who is Northeastern Virginia and has so few understand the scope of us domestic poverty and impoverishment: « this is not to say that there are no rich people and poor people in the United States, or that the gap between them has not increased in recent years. But the root causes of economic inequality have less to do with legal and social memories underlying our society, which remain basically egalitarian and moderately regulatory, as with the cultural and social characteristics of groups that compose it, which in turn are the historical legacy of the pre-modern conditions. Therefore black poverty in the United States, for example, is not the inherent product of liberalism, but is rather the « legacy of slavery and racism » which has persisted long after the slavery of fo formal abolition. » For Fukuyama, written at a time when the American class divisions were more pronounced than at any time in human memory, « egalitarianism of modern America represents the essential achievement of society without classes envisoned. » by Marx As a purveyor of the official doctrine of the Bush regime, Fukuyama is bound to ignore 20 years of growth of poverty and the decline in the standard of living for all Americans, which caused an even greater regression for the black population; There is no way that this can be registered to the heritage of slavery.

It is not far from the end of the Bush story is later slogans of the new world order and the Imperial Pax Universalis. It is ironic but lawful that Bush should have chosen a neo-Hegelian as apologist for his regime. Hegel was the arch-obscurantist, philosophical dictator and saboteur of the natural sciences; He was the ideologue of the Holy Alliance of Metternich of police States system in the oligarchic restoration post-1815 in Europe imposed by the Congress of Vienna. When talking about Metternich we both made old Bush Kissinger in-game boss, given that Metternich is well known as his ideal of the ego. Hegel deified machine of the authoritarian bureaucratic State which he belonged as the final incarnation of rationality in human affairs, beyond which it was impossible to go. Hegel said intellectuals to reconcile with the world, they found around them and pronounced philosophy unable to produce ideas for the reform of the world. As Hegel says in his famous preface to the philosophy of law: « Wenn die philosophy ihr in Grau Grau mahlt, dann ist eine Gestalt des Lebens alt geworden, und mit Grau in Grau laesst sich nicht verjuengen, sondern nur sie erkennen; » Die Eule der Minerva erst beginnt mit der einbrechenden Daemmerung ihren Flug. » References to Hegel’s Minerva OWL have been a staple of gossip of coktail-party of Washington during the Bush years. As Fukuyama said: « the end of history will be a very sad moment… There will be neither art nor philosophy, just the perpetual caretaking of the Museum of human history… Perhaps this same perspective of centuries of boredom at the end of the story will be used to get started again the story. « [fn 3]

The Bush regime has therefore taken shape as a stewardship authoritarian and bureaucratic of the financial interests of Wall Street and the City of London. Many saw in the Bush team the financial patrician of the Rockefeller Administration, which has never been. Social groups were to purge was limited so loudly that the Bush administration often resembled a Government which had itself separated totally from the underlying company and had formed to govern in the interests of the bureaucracy itself. Bush being irrevocably committed to advancing policies that had been strengthened and systematized during the previous eight years, the regime has become more rigid and inflexible. Active opposition, or even the dislocations caused by the policies of the administration are therefore processed by the repressive ways of the police state. The Bush regime could not govern, but it could put in charge, and the Committee to discredit was ready to vilify aways. Some spoke of observers of a new form of bonapartism sui generis, but the more accurate description for the combination of Bush was « administrative » fascism.

Bush Cabinet reflected multiple sets of criteria optimization.

The best way to achieve a high position in the cabinet was to belong to a family that had been allied with the Bush-Walker clan on a period at least half a century and serving as an officer or a fund-raiser for the Bush campaign. This applies to the Secretary of State James Baker III, Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas Brady, under-Secretary for Commerce Robert Mosbacher and Bush White House lawyer and Adviser political upper, C. Boyden Gray.

A second Royal route to high office should be an agent of Kissinger Associates, the updated international consulting firm up by the pattern of life of Bush, Henry Kissinger. In this category we find general Brent Scowcroft, the former head of the Washington Kiss Ass office and Lawrence Eagleburger, the dissipated wreck who was appointed to the position of number two in the Department of State, Undersecretary of State. Eagleburger was president of Kissinger Associates. The list of Ambassadors (or proconsul) was also rife with pedigrees Kissingerian: a prominent was John Negroponte, Ambassador of Bush to the Mexico.

Overlap with this last group was veteran’s Administration Ford 1974-77, one of the Masonic most in the recent history of the United States. Board of Directors of the national security Brent Scowcroft, for example, simply returned to the job he held under Ford’s Kissinger alter ego inside the White House. Dick Cheney, who became Secretary of defense, had been Chief of Ford White House. Cheney had been Deputy Executive through the Office of Economic Opportunity to the Director by Nixon in 1969. In 1971, he joined the staff of Nixon White House as Assistant to Don Rumsfeld. From 1971 to 1973, Cheney was in the cost of living Council, working as an enforcer for the infamous Nixon ‘economic stabilization program’ Phase II wage freeze The charming hills of Carla, who has become Bush’s trade representative, had been Secretary at the housing and urban development of Ford. William Seidman and James Baker (and federal reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan, a vestige of Reagan who was the Chairman of Council of Economic Advisers of the Ford) was also in the picture under Jerry Ford.

Bush also extended largesse to those who had helped him in the election campaign comes from is completed. At the top of this list was Governor John Sununu of New Hampshire, who would have qualified as the Nostradamus of modern for his accurate prediction of 9% margin of Bush’s victory by Dole in the New Hampshire primary – unless he had helped organize it with electoral fraud.

Another way to take a plum high in the Bush regime was to have participated in the concealment of the Iran-contra scandal. The main role in this coverup had assumed by the commission’s own Blue Ribbon of Reagan’s notables, Council of the Tower, who conducted the internal review of the White House of what would have been had gone wrong and had concealed Don Regan for a series of misdeeds that belonged to the doors of George Bush. The members of this Council were former Senator John Tower of Texas, general Brent Scowcroft and former Senator Edmund Muskie, who had been Secretary of State for Carter after the resignation of Cyrus Vance. Scowcroft, who comes under many titles, has been installed at the NSC. The initial candidate of Bush to the Secretary of defense was John Tower, who was the point man of the concealment of 1986-87 the Iran-Contra for months before the committees responsible for the investigation of the Congress formally got in the Act. Appointment of the tower was rejected by the Senate after being accused of being drunk and promiscuity by Paul Weyrich, an activist of Buckleyite and others. Some observers thought that the candidacy of the tower had been deliberately torpedoed by the discrediting of clean to avoid Bush Committee the presence of a senior official of the firm with the ability to blackmail Bush threatened to shoot them at any time. Perhaps the tour had overestimated his hand. In all cases, Dick Cheney, a member of Congress from Wyoming with community connections of high intelligence, was quickly appointed and confirmed after the tower had been shot down, prompting speculation that Cheney was what Bush wanted really all the time.

Another veteran of the Iran-contra online to get a reward was former national security adviser to Bush, Don Gregg, who had served Bush since at least the time of the 1976 Koreagate scandal. Gregg, as we have seen, was more than willing to commit the more awkward and blatant perjury in order to save his boss from wolves. The pathetic tragedy of confirmation hearings by the Senate of Gregg, who scored a real degradation for that body, has already told. Later, when William Webster retired as Director of the CIA, there were persistent rumors that hyperthyroidism Bush had originally demanded that Don Gregg be named to take his place. According to these reports, needed all the energy managers of Bush to convince the President that Gregg was too dirty to pass confirmation; Bush relented, but then announced to colleagues appalled and exhausted that his choice of second and non-negotiable for Langley was Robert Gates, the former Deputy Director of CIA who worked as Scowcroft number two at the National Security Council. The problem was that Gates, who had already abandoned the a previous battle of confirmation for the position of Director of the CIA, was any compromise as completely as Don Gregg. But at this point, Bush could not be moved a second time, then the doors name was sent to the Senate, bringing the whole Iran-Contra in full public view once more. It has proved that, Bush in the Senate Democrats proved to be more than willing to approve doors.

Always on the Iran-contra list was Gen. Colin Powell, whom Bush named as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. After Admiral John Poindexter and Oliver North had left the old Executive Office building in November 1986, Reagan had appointed Frank Carlucci to head the NSC. Carlucci had brought along general Powell. With Colin Powell as his Deputy, Carlucci has cleaned the stables of Augeias du OEOB-NSC complex so as to minimize damage to Bush. Powell was also a protégé of very Anglophile Caspar Weinberger, and Carlucci, a man with close links to operation of democracy and the Sears, Roebuck interests.

The State Department, also had his brigade of the Iran-Contra cover-up. Pickering, chosen by Bush to resume his former post as Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations, a job with Cabinet rank has arrived. When Pickering was United States Ambassador to El Salvador during the period 1984-85, he helped to organize the shipping more than $1 million of military equipment to the contras at the time where it was prohibited by U.S. law, according to his own testimony before committees of the Congress the Iran-contra investigation. Pickering reported none of its shares for the State Department, but rather kept in close contact with the retinue of Don Gregg, Felix Rodriguez and Oliver North of Bush. Pickering, when he was Ambassador to Israel in 1985-86, was also on the Israeli third-country arms shipments to Iran that were supposed to ensure the release of some hostages inmates to neighboring Lebanon. [fn 4] This vulgar filibusterer, arms trafficking is now the arrogant spokesman Bush’s new world order among the five permanent members of the Security Council of the United Nations, where he dispensed imperial threats and platitudes.

Always on the Iran-contra, concealment honours list that we find Reginald Bartholomew, choice of Bush as Undersecretary of State for Security Affairs, science and technology. Bartholomew was the United States Ambassador in Beirut in September and November 1985, when an Israeli shipment of 508 missles of anti-tank TOW manufactured in the United States was followed by the release of reverend Benjamin Weir, an American hostage held by the pro-Iranian Islamic Jihad. According to the testimony of then Secretary of State George Shultz at the tour Office, Bartholomew was working closely with Oliver North on a model using Delta Force commandos to free the hostages not spontaneously released by Islamic Jihad. According to Shultz, Bartholomew told him on 4 September 1985 that « North ran an operation which would lead to the release of all hostages of seven ». [fn 5]

Other appointments of choice went to members of longtime Bush network. It was Manuel Lujan, who was tapped for the Ministry of the Interior, and former Rep. Ed Derwinski, who received the Veterans’ Administration, soon to be upgraded to a cabinet post. A figure of first year of Bush in Office was William Reilly, tapped to be administrator of the environmental agency’s cabler, the Green police of the regime. Reilly had been closely associated by the oligarchic financial Russell Train the American branch of the World Wildlife Fund of Prince Phillip and the Conservation Foundation.

Both of top ministerial posts were thus allocated function direct personal services rendered to George Bush, that the principle of collegiality of oligarchic system would seem to have been overlooked. There were relatively few key messages remaining for distribution to the financial political factions that could reasonably be expected to be brought on board by given place at the cabinet table. Richard Thornburgh, a creature of interests Mellon who had received his employment under Reagan, was allowed to stay, but this has led to a constant guerrilla between Thornburgh and Baker with the obvious problem being the succession from 1996 to Bush. Clayton Yeutter went to the Ministry of agriculture, because it was that wanted the international cartel of grain. The choice of Jack Kemp, the presidential 1988 with a loyal conservative and populist candidate, for housing and urban development appeared most inspired by the will of Bush to prevent a challenge to emerge on the right in the primaries, GOP of 1992 by the need to respond to an identifiable financial faction. The tapping of Secretary of education William Bennett, principal ideologue of the perspective and right wing of Reagan Presidential possible, be the drug czar, is another example of the same thought. The selection of Elizabeth Hanford Dole to be Secretary at work was dictated by considerations of intra-GOP similar, namely the need to appease the angry leader of the Republican minority, Sen. Bob Dole of Kansas, beloved of Dwayne Andreas of Archer-Daniels-Midland and the rest of the grain agreement.

Later reworking of the Bush cabinet is consistent with the needs for an inherently low candidate re-elected, in particular by accentuating the southern strategy: when Lauro Cavazo left the Ministry of education, it was replaced by the former Governor of Tennessee Lamar Alexander. When Bennett had to be replaced as drug, wink of eye Czar went to another Republican southern Governor, Bob Martinez of Florida. All this was to build the South base for 1992. When Thornburgh quit the post of attorney general to run for the Senate in Pennsylvania, in the vain hope to position themselves for 1996, Bush tapped former Thornburgh number two to Justice, William P. Barr, who had been an agent of the CIA, when Bush was the Director of the CIA in 1976, to the key post of the State police.

But overall, this cabinet has been strongly an immediate reflection of the personal network and the interests of George Bush and not representative of the main financial factions that control the United States. Here we see once more the very strong feeling of national Government as personal property for a private operation that was evident in the pricing strategy 1986 Bush oil, and soon which will characterize his choreography of the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. This approach to the appointments of the cabinet could give rise to surprising weakness by the Bush regime, the factions of the main financial becomes unhappy in the wake of the Bank and panic of currency to which Bush’s policies guide the country.

The operation shamelessly of Bush’s political appointees and the uses of plum for flagrant personal advantage became a national scandal when he began to attribute some positions of ambassadors. It has become clear that these jobs represent the United States abroad had been practically sold at auction, with the most flagrant for skills and ability, in Exchange for cash contributions to the Bush campaign and the Republican party coffers. These appointments have been made by a pollster Bob Teeter GOP transition team, help campaign of Bush, Craig Fuller, who had lost on its bid for White House Chief of staff, campaign Press Secretary Sheila Tate and a member of staff at long date Bush Chase Untermeyer with the approval of Bush. Calvin Howard Wilkins Jr., who gave more than $178 000 to the GOP in recent years, including $92 000 to Kansas Republican National Committee state election on 6 September 1988, has become the new Ambassador to the Netherlands. Penne Percy Korth was selection of Bush Ambassador Maurice; Ms. Korth was a GOP fissure fundraiser. Della M. Newman, operated for the New Zealand was chiarman of Bush campaign in Washington State. Joy Silverman, choice of Bush for Barbados, contributed $180 000. Joseph B. Gilderhorn, destined for the Switzerland, had coughed up $200 000. Fred Bush, allegedly not a parent, but certainly a former assistant and chief fundraiser, was original new president pick for the Luxembourg. Joseph Zappala, who gave $100 000, was set up for Madrid Embassy. Melvin look, another Member of the team of 100, was tapped for the Australia. Fred Zeder, a buddy of Bush, who had previously been the Ambassador to Micronesia, was nominated for the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, despite the Congress of corruption probe [fn 6]

As with any group of predatory oligarchs, the Bush’s cabinet has been subject to outbreaks of intestinal war between factions among various competing cliques. During the first days of the new administration, Bush boy grey White House adviser was hit by reports that, despite its high government positions in recent years, it had retained a lucrative position as Chairman of the Board of his family communications company, raising clear issues of conflict of interest. Gray then leave his Chairman post and following example of own Bush, put his stock in a trust. Gray then lashed out against Baker in escape the fact that Baker, during all its years under the White House Chief of cabinet and Secretary of the Treasury, had kept the vast holdings of Chemical Banking Corp., a credit institution which had a direct interest in the handling of the Baker of negotiations with debtor countries third world debt as part of the infamous and did not « Baker Plan » for the maintenance of international debt service. Grey boy also retaliation Baker by questioning the constitutionality of an agreement negotiated by Baker with the Congress for aid to the contras Nicaraguan, a matter that Newsweek classified as « foreign policy success only Bush » during its first two months in office. [fn 7] Bush had tried to burnish its image by promising that his new regime would break with the years sleazy Reagan by promoting new standards of ethical behaviour in which even the perception of corruption and conflict of interest would be averted. These empty promises have quickly deflated by the reality of the graft more and more hypocrisy than under Reagan.

First 100 days of Bush in office fulfilled the prophecy of Fukuyama that the end of the story would be « a very sad moment. » If «  »after the story »meant that very little has been accomplished, Bush has filled the Bill. » Three weeks after his inauguration, Bush addressed a joint session of the Congress on changes that it proposed in the latest Reagan budget. The litany was hollow and predictable: Bush wanted to be the education President, but was ready to spend money $ 1 billion less than nine in order to do so. He has frozen the military budget of the United States and announced a revision of the previous policy toward the Soviet Union. This last point means that Bush wanted to wait to see how fast the Soviets would collapse in fact before even that it would discuss trade normalization, which was the point of view tended to Moscow by Reagan and others. Bush said that wanting to join with Bennett drug czar in « leading the charge » in the war on drugs.

Bush also wanted to be the President of environment. It was a much more serious suction. Shortly after the election, Bush had attended the gala dinner Centennial award of the National Geographic Society very oligarchic, for many years a personal fief of the Grosvenor family feudal of mind. Bush has promised to the public tonight there that there was « a problem my administration will address, and I don’t mean the environment. » Bush said that he had coordinated its plans with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and that it had agreed with him on the need for « international cooperation » on environmental issues. « We support you, » intoned Gilbert Grosvenor, graduate researcher from Yale… Planet Earth is threatened. « Among those who are here during this gala evening was Sir Edmund Hillary, who had planted the Union Jack at the top of Mount Everest. [fn 8]

In order to be President of environment, Bush was ready to propose a disastrous Clean Air Act that would drain the economy of hundreds of billions of dollars over the years on behalf of the fight against acid rain. The first 100 days of Bush has coincided with the significant phenomenon of the « greening » of Margaret Thatcher, who had previously denounced as « internal enemy » environmentalists, and left some companions of the British Labour Party and the Loonie. Ideologist of residents of Thatcher, Nicholas Ridley, spoke about the green movement in Britain as « Pseudo-marxistes. » But in the early months of 1989, would have been under the direction of Sir Crispin Tickell, the British Ambassador to the UN, Thatcher embraced orthodoxy as the erosion of the ozone layer, the effect of greenhouse and acid rain – each one a pseudoscientific hoax – were indeed at the top of the list of urgencies of the human species. Acceptance of green orthodoxy Thatcher allowed the rapid implementation of a total environmentalist-Malthusian consensus in the European Community, the Group of 7 and others key international.

Characteristically, Bush followed suit of Thatcher, as he would do on so many other issues. During the hundred days, Bush claimed the removal of all chlorofluorocarbons (CFCS), at the end of the century, thus accepting the position taken by the European Community following turning green of Mrs Thatcher. Bush told the National Academy of Sciences that new « scientific progress » had identified a threat to the ozone layer; Bush has insisted on the need to « reduce CFCS which deplete our precious upper atmospheric resources. » A treaty was signed in Montreal in 1987 that called for cutting of CFC production per a semester within a period of ten years. « But recent studies indicate that this reduction of 50 per cent is perhaps not enough, » Bush said now. Senator Al Gore of Tennessee seeks a complete elimination of CFCS within five years. Here a model has emerged which was to be repeated frequently during the years Bush: Bush would radical concessions to environmentalist Luddites, but would then be denounced by them for the measures which have been insufficiently radical. This would be the case when Clean Air the Bush Bill through Congress this summer 1990.

After the appearance of Bush before Congress with his revised budget, the new regime has exploited honeymoon to seal a love contract with the rubber-stamp the Democrats in Congress, that in no case could be confused with an opposition. De facto State part was beautiful and well, personified by fearful Senator George Mitchell of Maine, head of the majority of Democrats. Collusion between Bush and democratic leaders questioned new round of tricks in order to achieve the objectives of defecit under the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act. It was to mobilize more than $100 billion of surpluses of social security, highway and other trust funds that had not been counted previously. Democrats also went with a package of $28 billion of sales of assets, financing tips and unspecified new revenue. They have also bought pink economic forecasts of Bush’s economic growth and the decline in the rate. Mitchell’s majority Leader of the Senate, accepting that his pathetic endorse the role, said only that « many sterner measures will be required in the future. » Given that the Democrats were unable to propose an economic stimulus package to deal with the depression, they were condemned to give Bush what he wanted. This particular scam could work against all the persons concerned, but not before the spectacular budget debacle of October 1990.

In the spring of 1990, according to Sid Taylor of the national taxpayers Union estimates, total contingent liabilities of the federal Government has exceeded US $14000 billion. At that time the national debt was $2.8 billion, but this estimate included the commitments of federal savings and loan insurance corporation, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, the guarantee of Pension benefits and other agencies Corporation.

Inability of Bush to pull his regime together for a serious round of domestic austerity was not appreciated by the crowd at the Bank for international settlements in Geneva. London of Evelyn Rothschild Economist summed up the international bank advice of George delay on this score with its title, «Bush Bumbles.»

A few weeks into the new administration, it was the collapse of the FSLIC, carefully ignored by the decreasing Reagan Administration, which reached critical mass. On February 6, 1989, Bush announced the measures that his image Sowers billed as more radical piece and the most important financial legislation since the creation of the Federal Reserve Board on the eve of the first world war. It was the rescue plan for savings and loan, a new orgy in the monetization of debt and a giant step towards the consolidation of a neo-fascist corporatist State.

At the heart of Bush’s policy has been its refusal to recognize the existence of an economic crisis of collossal proportions which had among its symptoms the collection of the real estate market collapse after the stock market crash of October 1987. The sequence of a stock market panic, followed closely by real estate and banking crisis has followed the sequence of the great depression of the 1930s. But Bush has violently rejected the existence of such a crisis and was grimly determined to push with more of the same. This meant that the federal Government would simply take control of bank savings, the overwhelming majority of which have gone bankrupt or imminent bankruptcy. The savings would then sold off the coast. Depositors could get their money back, but the result would be the total debasement of the currency and a deep depression all around. In the process, the U.S. federal Government would become one of the main owners of immovable property, buildings and high bond risk without value that had been coming by friend of Bush Henry Kravis and his associate Michael Millken during the heady days of the boom.

The federal Government should create a new world of a bond to pay for the savings that would be seized. When Bush announced his rescue plan until February, he said that $40 billion had been disbursed in the abyss of S & L, and that he had proposed to issue an additional $50 billion in new bonds through a corporation, a subsidiary of the new Resolution Trust Corporation funding. In August 1989, when the Bush legislation was adopted, the estimated cost of bailout of S & L reached $164 billion over a period of ten years, with $20 billion of which was to be spent by the end of September 1989.

In the coming months, Bush has been forced to increase its budget once more. « It’s a whale of a mess, and we’ll see where we are going, » Bush told a group of columnists of the newspaper to the White House in mid-December. « We had this refinancing. » I am told that it is maybe not enough. « By this time, academic experts suggested that the rescue plan could exceed $164 billion of administration, $100 billion more. Each new estimate was quickly exceeded by the horrible spectacle of a housing market in free fall, with no bottom in sight. The growing awareness of situation theis, compounded by bankruptcy under the commercial banking system, would lead to a crisis very ugly public relations for the Bush regime, around the role of the President’s son (and old friend of Scott Hinckley), in July 1990, Neil Bush in bankruptcy of Silverado savings and loan of Denver, Colorado. As we shall see, one of the obvious reasons for the enthusiastic choice of Bush’s war in the Persian Gulf was the need to get off the front page of Neil Bush. But even the Gulf war have bought no respite in the real estate market collapse and bankruptcy of the savings banks chain reaction: Summer 1991, federal regulators have been striking dry at the rate of a little less each day and estimates of the total bailout price tag were skyrocketed to more $500 billion with any certainty that this figure could also be exceeded. [fn 9]

The carnage among the S & l did not prevent Bush requested an increase of the US contribution to the International Monetary Fund Chief agency of global austerity which boasts more than 50 million lives each year as the unnecessary victims of its Malthusian conditionalities. Members of the IMF have debated an increase of funds, each Member must pay in the IMF (which has already been bankrupt for years as a matter of reality), with managing director Michel Camdessus offers a 100% increase and Britain and Saudi Arabia arguing for a smaller 25% hike. Bush has tried to mediate and resolve the dispute with a proposal for an increase of 35%, equal to an additional payment of $8 billion by the United States. This amount was equivalent to more than three times the annual expenditure for the success, but tragically under-funded, women infants and children (WIC) program of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which has tried to provide a dietary supplement rich in protein and balanced for mothers and their offspring. WIC suffered cuts, wild in the first year of the plan Bush, causing many women in need who sought its advantages to be turned away and refused even the modest amounts of surplus cheese, powdered milk, and juice of orange as the program provides. [fn 10]

As the depression deepened, Bush had only one idea: reduce the rate of taxation of capital gains from 28% to 15%. It was a proposal for a direct public subsidy in the Legion of vulture Kravis, Liedtke, Pickens, Milken, Brady, Mosbacher and the rest of the Apostles of Bush’s greed. The Bushmen has estimated that a reduction of this magnitude capital gains tax would cost the Treasury about $25 billion in foregone more than 6 years, a gross underestimation. These funds have supported the Bushmen, would be then invested high-tech facilities and equipment, creating new jobs and new production. In reality, the funds would have flowed into the largest buyouts, which were still trying after the crash of the market  » junk bond  » with the fact that the buyout of United Airlines in October 1989. But Bush had no serious interest in, or even associations, the production of raw materials. Its policy now has the country to an edge of the financial panic in which 75% of the current price of all stocks, bonds, debentures, mortgages and other financial papers could be wiped out.

Not quite in the middle of his first hundred days of dismal, Bush was moved to defend the himnself against accusations that he presided over a debacle. Day 45 of the new regime, Bush told reporters that he had spoken on the phone with a certain Robert W. Blake, a tanker from Lubbock, Texas, the city where Neil Bush and John Hinckley had called home for a while at the end of the 1970s. Blake told Bush that « all the inhabitants of Lubbock think that things are going much. » Armed with this testimony, Bush defended his handling of the Presidency: ‘ is not adrift and it is no malaise, « he said, responding to writers who had suggested that the country had fallen through a time warp back to the time of Jimmy Carter. « So, I would be simply to resist the clamour that nothing seems to be bubbling autour, that nothing is happening. Much is happening. « Not all is good, but a lot that happens. » Bush described his oil friend Blake as « a very objective spokesman » and that said personally rule was never ‘get all too uptight about the stuff that has not yet reached Lubbock.’ [fn 11]

If there was a constant note in the first year of Bush in office, it was a cynical contempt displayed for the misery of the American people. During the spring of 1989, the Congress adopted a Bill which would have increased the minimum wage in interstate commerce of $3.55 per hour to $4.55 per hour by a series of increases over three years. This legislation would have even allowed a lower salary that could be paid to some newly employed workers over a period of 60 days of training. Bush vetoed the measure because the minimum wage of $4.55 per was $0.30 per hour more high he wanted, and because he asked a lower salary for all new employees for the first six months on the job, regardless of their experience or training. June 14, 1989, the House of representatives failed to override the veto, with a margin of 37 votes. (Later, Bush signed legislation to increase the minimum wage of $4.25 / hour over two years, with a salary of subminimum training applicable to adolescents and that during the first 90 days of employment of young persons, with the possibility of a second relay of wage formation of 90 days if they have switched to a different employer). [fn 12]

It was the same George Bush who had proposed $164 billion for bankrupt S & l and $8 billion for the Monetary Fund International, all without batting an eyelid.

Before Christmas 1988, and during other periods of holiday, Bush, usually joined her billionaire boyfriend William stamps amal III as lazy F Ranch near Beeville, Texas, for quails traditional festivity of the two men hunting. It was the same stamps William amal III whose grandfather, President of Standard Oil of New Jersey, had financed to Heinrich Himmler. Investment Bank of William stamps amal III in Houston, W.S. amal & Co. had managed at any given time the personal trust in which Bush had placed her personal investment portfolio. Amal was pretty rich to boast five addresses: Beeville, Texas; Closes end of Lane in the Versailles, Kentucky Bluegrass; In Florida and the other two. The hobby of amal for decades has been the creation of his own farm’s top flight for the breeding of thoroughbred horses. It was 3 000-acre lazy F Ranch, with its granges of ten horses, four sumptuous residences, 100 employees and other improvements. Over the years, Amal has saddled winners in the 1972 Preakness and the Belmont Stakes from 1987 and race 80 winners stakes for ten years. Amal, who is married to Sarah Sharp, the daughter of a Du Pont heir, had worked with Bush as an aid during the 1964 Senate campaign.

Amal was pretty rich to extend its largesse even to Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom, probably the richest person in the world. The Queen has visited farm equestrian Farrish at least four times in recent years, traveling by aircraft of the Royal Air Force at Blue Grass airport in Lexington, Kentucky, accompanied by ponds which her Majesty would like to breed with $ price of amal million standards. Amal waives magnanimous fees usual Stud for the Queen, resulting in an estimated saving of her Majesty of any $800 000. Social circle of amal is complemented by the plutocrats as Clarence Scharbauer, another Member of the horsey set, which also owns the Bank, hotel, station radio, oil wells and an estimated half of the city of Midland, Texas, the former stronghold of Bush in the Permian Basin.

Amal has been described as the equivalent of Richard Nixon plan Bush Baby Rebozo, sleazy cronyism. According to Bush, when he looks at movies, Hunt and play tennis with his old friend amal, « we are talking about issues. It is very on things, but it’s a comfortable thing, not probing beyond what I mean. « Michael York from the Washington Post wrote that »Farish said that it will always be among the biggest boosters of Bush, and it is ready at any time to make the argument for curricula vitae for Bush as the man best prepared to become president. It is also clear that Bush regularly requests advice of Farish on the budget, domestic and political policy. « With a cabal of friends and advisers such as William Stamps Farish III and Henry Kravis, we begin to understand the sources of parasitic looting of infrastructure Bush’s policies and the labour market. [fn 13]

For George Bush, the exercise of power has always been inseparable from the use of the smear, scandal and the final sanctions of the methods of the police of State against political rivals and other branches of the Government. A classic example is the Koreagate 1976 scandal, triggered by using the withholding of longtime Bush, Don Gregg. It will be recalled that Koregate included the overthrow of the democratic Chairman of the House Carl Albert of Oklahoma, who quietly retired from the House in late 1976. It was the year where Bush was returning from Beijing in Langley. Was it just a coincidence if the first year of Bush’s term in the non White House only the democratic Chairman of the House, but also the majority House Whip, have been driven from office?

The campaign against the President of the House Jim Wright was conducted by the Georgia Republican member of Congress Newt Gingrich, an ideologue « wedge issue » typical of the GOP southern strategy. During 1987-88, Gingrich had been badly Wright as the « Mussolini of the House. Gingrich campaign against Wright could never succeed without systematic support of media, which regularly trumpeted accusations and lent him a quite undeserved importance. Under the pretext of Gingrich was a report on the funding of a small book in which Wright had collected some of his old speeches, Gingrich claimed had been sold to lobbyists in such a way that it constitutes a gift not declared in violation of the rules of the House. One of the first not Gingrich when he launched an assault on Wright in 1988 was to send letters to Bush and the general Deputy Attorey William Weld, including foster care, White Weld Bank, had purchased from Uncle Herbie Walker G.H. Walker & Co. brokerage when the preferred Bush’s uncle was ready to retire. Gingrich wrote: « Can I suggest, next time when new media asks questions on the corruption in the White House, ask about the corruption in the Office of the President. » A similar letter was released since « The conservative campaign fund » to all candidates of the GOP House with the message: « we write to encourage you to do…. House Speaker Jim Wright a major issue in your campaign. « Bush is placed at the forefront of this campaign.

When Bush, in the middle of his presidential campaign, questioned by journalists on the investigation of the Attorney general of Reagan, Edwin Meese (not a friend of Bush) regarding its relationship with the Wedtech Corporation, he replied: « you’re talking about Ed Meese. How you speak to that raised common Cause against the speaker the other day? They will go to an independent legal advisor for the nation will this investigation? Why people do not scream for this? I you at this time. I think they need to. « [fn 14] Reagan followed Bush’s calling for Wright to be the object of an investigation.

According to published accounts, Wright was deeply offended by the role of Bush during the assault which was organized against him, since both share the background to be members of the Congress of Texas and had often been dealing together. At a dinner hosted by the Italian Ambassador Rinaldo Petrignani, Wright went his best to avoid the meeting Bush and did murder his wife faking illness as an excuse to leave very early. Bush at the time attended the gymnasium of the House to play racketball with his old buddy, Mississippi Democrat Sonny Montgomery. Bush attended the annual dinner of the gymnasium of the House and paths crossed CIHI with Wright.

Wright said Bush: « George, I’m feeling not gently toward you. You took a cheap shot at me. « And I just supported you. » Bush flew in anger: « when you defend me? « You damn well not defend me at your convention. » « Well, George, you don’t have any complaint about what I said, » was a replica of the Wright. « Do not attack me your integrity or your honour. » « You and I just see it differently, » Bush said as he stalked off the coast in anger. [fn 15]

Later, Wright turned to Sonny Montgomery to use his good offices to resolve the dispute with Bush. Wright called Bush and offered the Olivier rameau. « George, if you are the President and I am pregnant, we have to work together. » « Jim, I am very pleased that you called. I did not want to be personally offensive. « From this point, the reader knows the true Bush well enough to give this assurance its own weight. Bush softened his public attacks on Wright in the countryside, but the witch hunt against Wright continued. After Bush won the election, Bush is reported Wright promised a truce. « I want you to know that I respect you and the House as an institution. » I will have no part in anything that impinges on your honor or integrity, « Bush is supposed to have reassured the speaker. Before Bush took office, Wright was busy working on his favorite populist themes: the concentration of financial power, housing, education, healthcare and taxes.

In January-February, 1989, the House took the examination a pay increase for members. Reagan and Bush had approved such an increase in salary, but Lee Atwater, now installed at the Republican National Committee, has launched a series of mailings and public statements for raising pay in a new issue of corner. It was a brilliant success, with the help of a few old strings of Prescott Bush fired on hosts major talk show around the country. Bush has made the coup d’etat to completely destabilize the Congress at the beginning of its mandate. Wright was hounded out of office and retirement a few months later, followed by Tony Coelho, the Democratic Whip. What remained was sweet Tom Foley, a stamp in soft rubber and Richard Gebhardt, who briefly had trouble with Bush during 1989, but who has found his way to an agreement with Bush that allowed him to rubber-stamp the formula ‘fast track’ of Bush for the free trade area with Mexico, which has effectively killed any hope of resistance to this measure. The fall of Wright was a decisive step in the domestication of the Congress by the Bush regime.

Bush also could count on a vast swamp of the « Bush Democrats » who would support his proposals in practically all circumstances. The basis of this phenomenon was the obvious fact that the National Directorate of the Democratic Party has long a gang of Harrimanites. The Brown Brothers, Harriman on the Democratic Party handle had been represented by W. Averell Harriman until his death, and after which was operated by his widow, Pamela Churchill Harriman, the ex-wife of alcoholic of Sir Winston Churchill’s son, Randolph. Very large networks of Meyer Lansky/Anti-Defamation League among Democrats have been directed to cooperation with Bush, sometimes directly and sometimes through the orchestration of gang vs charades countergang for the manipulation of public opinion. A particular source of Bush strength among Democrats in the South is the cooperation between the skull and bones and the Freemasons of the jurisdiction of the South in the tradition of the infamous Albert Pike. These Masonic networks within the jurisdiction of the South were obviously crucial in the Senate, where a group of Senate Democrats in the South have systematically joined with Bush to block substitutions of many Bush veto rights or to provide a pro-Bush majority voting such as the Gulf war resolution.

Style of Bush in the Oval Office has described this period as « top secret ». Many members of the Bush staff felt that the President had his own long-term plans, but refused to discuss it with his senior staff of the White House. During the first year of Bush, the White House has been described as « a grave, » without the usual dense barrage of leaks, Counter-leaks, trial balloons and signals what government officials usually use to influence the public debate on policy issues. Bush is supposed to have recourse to a ‘need to know’ even with his closest collaborators from the White House, keeping each of them in ignorance of what others are doing. Aid are complained about their inability to respond to telephone calls from Bush when he goes in his famous « mode abbreviated, » in which it can communicate with dozens of politicians, bankers, or heads of leading in a few hours. Passages unauthorized information from one office to another within the White House are leaks in the opinion of Bush, and he took care of deleting the. When the information has been given to the press about a planned meeting with Gorbachov, Bush has threatened his high-level advisers: « if we cannot keep secret correct with this group, we will reduce the circle.  »

Bush has systematically humiliates and mortifies his subordinates. It reminds his style in dealing with many unfortunate slaves and servants who populated his patrician youth; It may also have been re-applied by the characteristic style of Henry Kissinger. If advisors or staff dares to express disagreements, the retort of typical Bush is a whining ‘ If you’re so smart damned, why are you doing what you do and I am the President of the United States?  » [fn 16]

In a sense, Bush style reflects his desire to appear ‘absolute and autocratic »in the tradition of the Romanov tsars and other Byzantine rulers. He refuses to be recommended or discouraged on many issues, by relying on his furious hypethyroid intuitions. More deeply, Act of ‘absolute and autocratic’ Bush was a cover for the fact that many of its initiatives and political ideas came from outside of the Government of the United States, because they were originating ether rarified circles of international finance where names like Harriman, Kravis and Gammell were the coin of the realm. Indeed, many of Bush’s policies comes outside the United States and derived from the oligarchic financial circles of the City of London. The classic case is the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. When the documents on the Bush Administration are finally thrown open to the public, it s safe bet that some British financial albums and types of Ministry of Foreign Affairs will find to have combined remarkable access and power with a nonexistent public profile.

Among the highlights of the first year of the Bush Presidency was his reaction to the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen massacre. No one can forget the beautiful movement of the anti-totalitarian Chinese students who took the opportunity of Hu Yaobang funeral in the spring of 1989 to launch a movement of protest and reform against the monstrous dictatorship of Deng Xiao-ping, Yang Shunkun and Prime Minister Li Peng. As the portrait of the old butcher Mao Tse-Tung looked down from the former imperial palace, students erected a statue of liberty and filled the place of the Ode to joy from Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony. At the end of may, it was clear that the Deng regime was attempting to pull himself to a convulsive massacre of its political opposition. At this point, it is likely that a layout Sharp Guard and unequivocally to the Government of the United States could have avoided the impending bloody repression against the students. Even a warning through secret diplomatic channels would have sufficed. Bush is committed or, and it must take responsibility for this glaring omission.

Then, the non-violent protest of students was crushed by the Communist regime’s martial law troops hated and discredited. Untold thousands of students have been purely and simply killed, and the other thousands died in the merciless death hunt against political dissidents that followed. Humanity was horrified. For Bush, however, the main considerations were that Deng Xiao-ping was part of his own personal network, with whom Bush had maintained close contact since at least 1975. Devotion of Bush to the British doctrine immoral of the « geopolitical » dictated more that, unless and until that the USSS collapsed totally as a military power, the alliance of the United States with China as the second greatest power in the Earth must be maintained at all costs. In addition, Bush has been very sensitive to the views on the policy of China, which was held by his mentor, Henry Kissinger, whose paw-prints still needed to be found everywhere in American relations with Deng. In the wake of Tiananmen, Kissinger (who had lucrative contracts for consultation with the Beijing regime) was unusually vocal in condemning any draft US countermeasures against Deng. These were the decisive factors in the reactions of Bush to Tiananmen.

In the Chinese imperial court pre-1911, the label of the forbidden city required that a person approaching the throne of the son of Heaven must kowtow to this living deity, touching both hands and forehead to the ground three times. This is the famous « kow-towing. » And it has been « Kow-towing » jumped on the lips and the pen of the commentators around the world they have observed the propitiation developed by Bush of the Deng regime. Even the cynics were surprised that Bush may be so deferential to a regime that was obviously so hated by its own population that it should be considered as being on its last legs. the best estimate was that the death of octogenarian Deng Finally, the Communist regime would increase from the stage with him.

In a press conference held on June 9, in the immediate aftermath of the massacre, Bush surprised even the meretricious press corps of the White House by his tone mild and obsequious to Deng and his acolytes. Bush has limited its reprisals to a momentary frequency of certain military sales. That’s all: « I am one who has lived in China; I understand the importance of the relationship with the Chinese people and the Government. It is in the interest of the United States to have good relations… « [fn 17] Bush would consider additional measures, such as the minor step temporarily recalled the Ambassador of the United States, Bush crony CIA and patrician colleague James Lilly?

Well, some have suggested, for example, to show our strength, as I bring the American Ambassador. I disagree with this 180 degrees, and we have seen in recent days a very good reason for him out there. […]

What I won’t do is take all measures are more likely to demonstrate the fact that America feels. And I think that I did it. I will seek other ways to do it if we can.

It was the hen wet with a vengeance, crawling and scraping as Chamberlain to dictators, but there’s more to come. As part of its sweet and pathetic response, Bush is committed to put an end to all « high-level exchanges » with the crowd of Deng. With this public promise, Bush cynically lied to the American people. Shortly before the invasion of Bush of Panama in December, it was reported that Bush had sent the two largest that Kissinger clones in his suite, NSC President Brent Scowcroft and Undersecretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger on a secret mission to Beijing during the weekend of July 4, less than a month after the Tiananmen massacre. Bush considered the mission as so sensitive that it would have been kept secret even White House staff Sununu, who only learned of the trip when two of his assistants ran into the written record of the planning. Scowcroft and Eagleburger history, two veterans of Kissinger Associates, pass the roasting fourth glorious butchers of Beijing was itself a leak following a public mission of prestige in China involving the same duo of Kissingerian which began December 7, 1989. History of Bush cover for his second trip, it was that he wanted to get a briefing to Deng on the results of the Bush-Gorbachov Malta Summit, which has just concluded. The second trip was supposed to lead to the rapid release of Chinese dissident physicist Fang Lizhi, who had taken refuge in the U.S. Embassy in Beijing in the massacre; This did not occur until some time later.

At a press conference mainly devoted to the current Panama invasion, Bush gave one without ambiguity that the inspiration for its policy of China, as well as for whole of foreign policy, has been Kissinger’s signals:

There are many password who, in the conduct of foreign policy or a debate within the U.S. Government, must be set without the spotlight of the news. There must be this way. Any opening to China would never have happened… If Kissinger had not undertaken this mission. It would have fallen apart. Therefore, use your own judgement. [fn 18]

The news of the secret diplomacy of Bush in favor of Deng has caused a widespread wave of healthy and honest public disgust with Bush, but it was little overwhelmed by chauvinist hysteria that accompanied the invasion of Bush of Panama.

Bush the treatment of the question of the situation of immigration of Chinese students who enrolled in universities American character also illuminated by Bush in the wake of Tiananmen. In the statements by Bush in the immediate aftermath of the massacre, he absurdly asserted that there is no Chinese students who wanted asylum policy, but also promised that these students visas would extend so that they would not be forced to return to political and even persecution death in mainland China. Later, it turns out that Bush had failed to enact decrees that would have been necessary. In response to the prevarications of Bush with the life and well-being of Chinese students, the Congress subsequently passed a law that would have waived the requirement that a J visa holders, the type commonly obtained by Chinese students, be required to return to their country of origin for two years before being able to seek permanent residence in the United States. Bush, in an act of repugnant cynicism, vetoed this Bill. The House voted to override by a majority of 390 to 25, but Senate Democrats Bush allowed veto of Bush to be sustained by a vote of 62 to 37. Bush, squirming under the wide obloquy caused by his obnoxious behaviour, has finally released regulations that would temporarily waive the requirement of returning home for most students.

Bush returned from his summer in Kennbunkport with a series of « policy initiatives » which proved most demagogic of photo shoots. In early September, Bush made his first TV regular evening speech to the nation about his so-called war on drugs. The culmination of this speech was the moment when Bush filed a bag of crack which had been sold to a transaction in the Park Lafayette, just in front of the White House. The transaction had been staged with the help of the Drug Enforcement Administration. It was George Bush, a friend of Felix Rodriguez, Hafez Assad, Hashemi Rafsanjani, and Don Aronow. Funds and the objectives set for the Bush program was minimal. A real war on drugs remains a vital necessity, but it was clear that there would be no under the Bush administration.

Later the same month, on 27 and 28 September, Bush met with the Governors of each of the 50 States in Charlottesville, VA., for what was billed as a « Summit on education ». It was really a glorified, photo shoot because all the debates have been maintained with rigour in confidence, and everything was carefully choreographed by image-mongers of the White House. The Conference issued a statement that called for « clear national performance goals », and the substantive direction of ‘Education President’ Bush seems to resolve itself in a test program at the national level that could be used to justify the downward revision of college education and the exclusion of him from Bush could be called « mental defectives. » The testing program would be used to finger and the ‘weak of mind,’ maybe a generation or two of the list? Was there an intention veiled ‘slaughter’ the persons with hereditary disabilities? With history of Bush on the subject, nothing could be excluded.

One of the themes of the ‘education’ Summit was that the material resources had absolutely nothing to do with the performance of an education system. What was afoot since preppie George Bush, who enjoyed a physical plant, library, sports facilities, average class size low and other benefits to its Greenwich Country Day School chic and exclusive Phillips Academy in Andover, which most teachers could only dream of. When, in the summer 1991, found that the national average scores for the scholastic Test had continued to fall, Bush has always categorically stated that increased resources and the general economic condition of the company had nothing to do with the answer. At this time, it also proved reshuffled Secretary to education that Bush, former Governor of Tennessee Lamar Alexander, sent his children to an elite day school associated with Georgetown University, where the school has exceeded the annual income of many poor families.

Several Governors joined James Blanchard of Michigan complaining that under Reaganomics, the federal Government had discharged whole sectors of infrastructure spending, including education, on the States. « We come not to [Charlottesville] shaking a Tin Cup, » said Blanchard. « But we cannot afford to have our education revenues »bled »by the federal Government. These last ten years, the commitment of the federal Government in education rose from 2.5 per cent of the federal budget less than 1.8%. Education must become a national priority, you and the Congress should reverse this decline. » [fn 19]

Ironically, the best viewpoint on the eyepiece of the «Summit on education» Bush comes within his own regime. Obviously piqued to the poor critical became her previous performance as Secretary to the education of Reagan, Bush Drug Czar William Bennett told journalists that the procedures in Charlottesville were « standard pap Democrat and Republican – and something that rhymes with pap. Much of the discussion proceeded to a complete lack of knowledge about what is happening in schools. »

In the fall of 1989, Bush was faced with a crisis of confidence in his regime. His dominance of the Congress on all substantive issues was complete; at the same time he had nothing to offer except for large public subsidies to financial and speculative interests in bankruptcy. With the exception of the efforts with the shovel of the hundreds of billions of dollars on Wall Street, across the Government appeared as aparalyzed and derivative. This was soon accentuated by an enormous upheaval in China, Eastern Europe and the USSR. On Friday, 13 October, with the second anniversary of the great crash of 1987, there was a fall in the Dow Jones Industrial average of 190,58 points in the last hour of trading. This was triggered by the failure of a group of labour-management to obtain sufficient funding to proceed with the acquisition debt of United Airlines. The scene of this failure had been created during the previous weeks by the crisis of the Campeau retail empire highly leveraged, making many totally illiquid junk bonds for awhile. The fall was full of symptoms of a deflationary contraction of overall production and employment. For once Bush seemed to approach this delicate moment where a president is facing the loss of his mandate to govern.

October has been one of the cruelest month for the Bush Presidency: whenever the leaves fall, every time that critical third quarter economic data are published, a crisis of confidence of the public to the patrician regime committed. Two of the three years so far, the reaction of the Bushmen was to go with international violence and mass murder.

October 1989 was full of anxiety and apprehension of the economic future and worry about where Bush was leading the country. The many mood pieces included a clear desire of the circles is liberal establishment to encourage Bush to more decisive and more aggressive action by imposing austerity at home and increase the rate of primitive accumulation in favour of the dollar abroad. A typical example of these rantings of October has been a text read by Kevin Phillips (the traditional Republican theorist of ethnic division and the southern strategy) entitled « George Bush and the Congress – brain-dead Politics of 89. » Phillips faulted Bush for his apparent decision « to emulate operation discreet, centrist President Dwight D. Eisenhower. But imitating Ike in the 1990s as little sense than trying to imitate the Queen Victoria in the early 1930s. [fn 20] Phillips noted how Bush was chosen by its clear commitment to pursue all essential strategies in the years Reagan, while denying the existence of a crisis: Bush made « steps seek to identify national problems because in doing so, [he] would in large part be identifying [his] own faults. »  » «  » The Republicans know at least that they have a problem on the ‘ vision thing ‘, « Phillips noted, while the democratic opposition »does not even spell the word. » All this added to brain atrophy « of the Government. » Phillips has catalogued the absurd complacency of the Bushmen, Brady saying U.S. economy that ‘it couldn’t get much better that it is’ and Baker in response to democratic criticism of Bush’s foreign policy with the retort: « when the President is rocking with an approval rating of 70 percent on his handling of foreign policy, if I was the leader of the opposition I could have something similar to say. » The Phillips basic thesis was that Bush and his apparent opposition joined hands simply ignore the existence of the major problems threatening national American life, while hiding behind a ‘consensus irrelevant’ forged from ten to twenty years overall passed and reminiscent of the tacit agreement of pre-1860 the Democrats and the Whigs to scan the regionalism and slavery under the carpet. One of the consequences of this conspiracy of licensees to ignore the real world was the « duality unhappy that the United States and the Russia are the two empires weakening retreating disorderly of bipolar dominance after 1945 ». Phillips concluded that while the reality might start to force a change in the ‘agenda’ in 1990, it was more likely that a change would happen in 1992 when an aroused electorate, tingling of decades of decline in the level of life and economic aspirations, could « deliver surprising political rewards. » « Honesty day is coming, » summarizes Phillips, with the clear implication that George Bush would not be a beneficiary of the new day.

Similar themes were developed in the Magazine of time clean of Bonesmen towards the end of the month of coverage entitled « Is Government dead? », which featured a photo of cover of George Washington, losing a big tear and a presentation text that warning «  » refusing to drive, politicians leave push America into paralysis. «  » [fn 21] Inside, the regime of Washington has branded as « can not do the Government, » with a concluding analysis that « abroad and at home, more and more problems and opportunities are not met. » Under the shade of a massive Federal charged that no political party is ready to face, a kind of neurosis of accepted limits grabbed a piece of the Pennsylvania Avenue to the other. » Time discovered that Bush and the Congress « were conspiring to hide’ $96 billion of a defecit $206 billion through various stratagems, while the Bill for bailout of S & L had levitate upwards to $300 billion. Time to ridicule the « paltry $115 million »Bush had offered as the Poland economic aid during his visit there in the summer. Responsibility for the growing malaise was assigned by the time Bush: « Leadership is generally left to the President. « Yet George Bush seems to have as much evil than ever with the ‘ vision thing ‘. Handcuffed by its simplistic « read my lips » rhetorical campaign against an increase of the tax as well as by conservative personality, Bush often seems self-satisfied and reactive. «  » Time has then accuse Bush for malfeasance or non-performance in several areas: « its long-term objectives, beyond the hope of a »kinder »nation, more gentle, were lost in a miasma of public relations stunts. Recent « education Summit » president with the Governors of the nation has produced some interesting ideas on national standards, but little about how to pay the fee to help public schools meet them.  » Its many trumpet of war against drugs was more a skirmish underfunded. Bush said voters last year that he is an environmentalist, but proposals for greater abatement put forward this year–stringent new standards on automobile emissions – have been adapted from strict limits of California for the 1990s. »

« Abroad, Bush tends to activate the famous maxim of Teddy Roosevelt his head talking fort and holder of a small stick, » was then cruel cut first to a president who had placed the portrait of Rough Rider racist in the Oval Office, replacing the likeness of Coolidge « Silent Cal » that had adorned the premises during the years Reagan. It was a barb to make George grinning when he read.

Bush and Baker Brady were thus faced with some clear signals of an ugly mood of discontent on the part of the Community financial establishment of the keys inside their own traditional base. These groups demanded more austerity, a more primitive accumulation against the population of the United States that George had been able to deliver. A further ingredient in dangerous on Wall Street dissatisfaction and its surroundings was that Bush was sloppy and missed a sponsored by U.S. coup d’etat against the Panamanian Government loyal to general Manuel Antonio Noriega. Survival of Noriega and the continued contempt of Washington seemed to certify, in the eyes of the financial power, that Bush is indeed a wimp unable to conduct their affairs international or national. In November 1989, the Bush regime ten – months, been drifiting to Niagara in serious trouble. It is in these conditions that Bush networks responded with their invasion of the Panama.

October 3, 1989, several officers of the Forces of Panamanian defence under the direction of Major Moises Giroldi attempted to oust general Noriega and to seize power. The pro-golpe forces appear to have Noriega in their physical control for a certain period of time, and they have been in contact with the U.S. Southern command in Panama through various channels. But they executed Noriega nor him handed over to the American forces, and Noriega used the delay to rally the support of loyal troops in other parts of the Panama. American forces mobilized and blocked two roads leading to the headquarters of PDF, as they leaders golpe had requested. But the golpistas also wanted the support of U.S. air combat and it would have required U.S. ground forces to provide active assistance. Bush won these requests, and the golpe collapsed before that Bush could decide what to do.

Bush crisis management style was portrayed as an autocratic one-man show, with Bush refusing to convene the usual « excomm » – crisis Committee bureaucratic style with representatives of the State, defence, NSA, CIA and other interested persons. Instead, Bush would have insisted on three parallel tracks of status reports, defense and the CIA have been provided. While he was curious about the contradictory assessments, his team of coup d ‘ état was being rounded up and liquidated. This is worse than his blundering handling of the coup d ‘ état in Sudan in 1985.

There are signs that the great criticism of its botched handling of the coup, including such close allies as the skull and bones Senator David Boren of Oklahoma, has been an excruciating personal humiliation for Bush. As former boss feared Langley, it was supposed to be mastered in subversion, putsches and the overthrow of rebel Governments in Washington. His letters of credence of foreign policy, presented as the highlight in his curriculum vitae, were now irretrievably tarnished. According to some testimonies of alleged insiders, U.S. forces were not rushed to the rescue of the rebels due to the reluctance and mistrust on the part of the American officers, from Genesis Thurman, the Panama-American commander.

Member of Congress Dave McCurdy of Oklahoma has criticized Bush: « yesterday makes Jimmy Carter look like a man of will. There is a resurgence of the WIMP factor. « George Will wrote that a column entitled »a serious Presidency. »

Bush hid the press for 11 days after the golpe was crushed, but then had to face a barrage of hostile questions anyway. Since he had urged the overthrow of Noriega, asked him, was not not supporting the rebels with the U.S. armed forces? Bush replied:

Yes, quite consistent. I want to see [Noriega] out of there and I want to see translated into justice. And which must not mean that which means automatically, regardless of the regime, or whatever that the coup d ‘ état attempt is diplomatically and nothing else that support us carte blanche to that.

I think that this argument quite advanced that if you say you want to see Noriega out, which involves coverage, Blanche open on the use of military force us… for me it is a stupid argument that make some people very scholarly.

Bush was very sarcastic on « instant hawks who has appeared in the place where once there was a dove feathers. » There were reports of mood severe fits of anger of Bush as critical accounts of his crisis leadership fled inside its own administration. But Bush denied that he had been chewing the carpet: « I’ve never felt, you know, anger or explode. » This is absurd, said Bush deceit. « I did not angry. I did not angry. What I’m saying is, I don’t want to see any blame coming out of the oval or allocated office in the Oval Office, faced with criticism. I’m not in the business of blame. Blame, if there is some to be affected, it’s in. « And this is where it should be. » Bush emphasized that he was ready to use force to oust Noriega: « I wouldn’t force now if this could be done in a prudent manner. » We want to see Mr. Noriega outdoors. « The former Director of CIA mortified also defended the quality of its intelligence: »it was not an intelligence gap that would cause me to act differently. « »I don’t see any serious disconnects all.» « [fn 22] Chief of Bush, Sununu, stated that one of the difficulties faced by the White House in response to the coup had been difficult to determine the identity of the leaders of the coup. While it was probably disinformation, confusion on Bush was more poignant. It is squirming and complaining under the opprobrium of his first failure in Panama that Bush has matured the idea of a full-scale military invasion to capture Noriega and occupy Panama around Christmas, 1989.

The participation of George Bush with the Panama dates back to operations in Central America and the Caribbean by cabal Jupiter Island Harrimanite, Senator Prescott Bush. We recall the pugnacious assertions of Bush of American sovereignty over the Panama Canal during its electoral contest of 1964 with Senator Yarborough. For the clan Bush, the cathexis of the Panama is very deep, because it is bound upward with the exploits of Theodore Roosevelt, the founder of American imperialism of twentieth-century that the Bush family is determined to defend in the most remote corners of the planet. Because it was Theodore Roosevelt who had used the USS Nashville and other United States naval forces to prevent the Colombian army to suppress the fomentee revolt – U.S. Panamanian soldiers in November 1903, thus preparing the ground for the creation of an independent Panama and for the signing of the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty which created a Zone of the Panama Canal under American control. Roosevelt « cowboy » diplomacy had been sentenced in the American press of the time as ‘hacking ‘; the Springfield Republican had found « the most unworthy of our history » episode, but the sight of Bush was always Pro-imperialist. This is the comparison bucaneering Theodore poor George wrong seem boldly.

Theodore Roosevelt had in December, 1904 exhibited its so-called « Roosevelt corollary » to the Monroe Doctrine, in reality a complete repudiation and the perversion of the anti-colonialist essense of John Quincy Adams initial warning to the British and other imperialists. The self-righteous Teddy Roosevelt declares that:

Chronic wrongdoing… may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by a civilised nation and Western Hemisphere, the accession of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power. [fn 23]

The old imperialist idea of Theodore Roosevelt was quickly taken up by the Bush Administration in 1989. Through a series of actions by the Attorney general Richard Thornburgh, supreme Court of the United States and Director of the CIA William Webster, the Bush regime assumes a wide carte blanche for extraterritorial interference in the internal affairs of States sovereign, all in open disregard for the rules of international law. These illegal innovations can be summarized under the heading of the «Doctrine of Thornburgh.» The Federal Bureau of Investigation arrogates to itself the ‘right’ looking for premises outside American territory, as well as the arrest and kidnap foreigners outside the jurisdiction American, all this without the consent of the judicial process of other countries whose territory was therefore the subject of violation. The U.S. armed forces were gifted with the ‘right’ to the police to take action against civilians. The CIA demanded that a decree prohibiting the participation of representatives of the U.S. Government and the military in the assassination of foreign political leaders, which had been issued by President Ford in October 1976, be cancelled. It is said that this ban on presidential assassinations of foreign officials and politicians, who had been promulgated in response to church and Pike Committee of CIA abuse investigations, was indeed repealed. To complete this package without faith nor law, an opinion of the US supreme court issued on February 28, 1990 authorized US abroad to stop (or remove) officials and research foreign nationals without taking account of the legislation or policy of the foreign nation subject to this interference. Through these measures, the regime of Bush effectively staked its claim to universal extraterritorial jurisdiction, the classic posture of an empire who seek to assert the universal power of the police. The Bush regime aspired to the status of a power world legibus solutus, a superpower exempted from all legal restrictions. [fn 24]

In January 1972, during the special session of the Security Council of the United Nations in Addis Ababa, the Panamanian delegate, Aquilino Boyd, delivered a withering of the American « occupation » condemnation of the Canal Zone, most Panamanians found more and more intolerable. Then Ambassador Bush had wormed his way out of a difficult situation by pleading that Boyd was out of use, given that the Panama was not placed on the agenda of the meeting. Boyd was relentless in pressing a special session of the Council of safety in Panama City during which he could bring to the issue of sovereignty over the Canal Zone and the canal. Later, in March 1973, the successor to Bush at the mission of the United Nations, John Scali, was forced to use a veto to kill a resolution calling for « full respect for the effective sovereignty of the Panama throughout its territory ». This veto was a major political embarrassment, sank against the vehement condemnation of the tribune, which was full of Patriots Panamanians. To make things worse, the United States had been totally isolated, with 13 countries supporting the resolution and one abstention. [fn 25]

As we have seen, direct personal relationship between Bush and Noriega are returned at least as much as the occupation of CIA 1976 of Bush. At that time, Noriega, who had been trained by the United States at Fort Gulick, Fort Bragg and other locations, was the head of intelligence for the Panamanian nationalist leader, general Omar Torrijos, with whom, Carter signed the Panama Canal Treaty, the ratification by the U.S. Senate means that the channel would return to Panama in the year 2000. During the negotiation of an agreement between Torrijos and the Carter Administration, the US Agency of national security and the Defense Intelligence Agency have conducted eletronic eavesdropping against officials involved in the negotiations Panamanians. This listening would have been discovered by Noriega, who had allegedly done to bribe members of 470th military intelligence of the U.S. military, which provided him with tapes of all conversations bugged, which Noriega is then subject to Torrijos. According to published accounts, the U.S. Army had investigated this codename operation Canton song situation under a probe and identified a group of « singing »on the payroll of Noriega. sergeants. Lew Allen, Jr., the head of the NSA, supposedly wanted a public indictment of the sergeants for treason and espionage, but Bush is supposed to have hesitated, saying that the issue should be left to the army, which had decided to conceal the case. A history of plausible political cover for Bush to continue refusing was his desire to avoid scandals in the intelligence community that could hurt Gerald Ford in the 1976 election. [fn 26] Regardless of the truth of these allegations, it seems to be no doubt that Bush has met personally with Noriega during his 1976 CIA. According to a testimony, this Bush-Noriega was a lunch-debate in December 1976 at the residence of the Panamanian Ambassador to Washington. Says Bapfumukeko Kempe, « years later, in 1988, after Noriega has indicted the fresh drug in Florida, Bush would initially deny having ever met Noriega.» He recalled by the remainder of the meeting, but none of its details. Its three best memories you can lunch and one of them insisted, it was the third meeting between the two men. « [fn 27]

During the preparation of his trial to Miamai, Fla., 1991, counsel for the defence of Noriega submitted a document to the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of Florida, in which they specified matters that they intend to use in the defense of Noriega that may involve any information deemed claissified by the U.S. Government. Before being released to the public, this document has been heavily censored. No part of this production only is more heavily censored, however, that the section entitled ‘General Noriega’s relations with George Bush’, which has been whited on about 6 of 15 pages, allegedly to protect U.S. national security, but in reality to hide material that is explosively compromising the political reputation of Bush. Proffer de Noriega confirmed a Bush-Noriega meeting December 8, 1976 at the Panamanian Embassy in Washington. « At this meeting, there were discussions concerning disorders in the canal zone. But at no time Mr Bush said that the Panamanian Government was somehow responsible for the attack « that had taken place in the Canal Zone, when Ford, concerned by the attacks of Reagan, demanding that the channel remains in the hands of the Americans, cut off the talks on the future of the canal. Proffer de Noriega adds that « when Bush end of his mandate he sent a letter to Noriega thanking Noriega for his help. Bush said that he would inform his successor of the cooperation of Noriega. « [fn 28]

During this period, the CIA allegedly paid Noriega a deduction of $ 110 000 a year, supposedly in Exchange for Noriega on Cuban intelligence and other activities of interest to the United States. Admiral Stansfield Turner claims when it resumes the CIA completed payments to Noriega, he refused to meet with him. Turner confirmed several details of the relationship of these years Bush-Noriega: we all know that Bush met with Noriega, even if it was only 11 months. And I have stated that Bush got him on the payroll, « said Turner in October 1988. « I was there four years, and I never felt good to him [Noriega] or make payroll, said Turner. » [fn 29] Turner went say that after the fall of Bush Carter Noriega, re-enstated as an American asset, saying Bush « Noriega has met and him back on the Payroll » as a provider of intelligence. Turner would not clarify its evidence, but is nevertheless adamant: « I can tell you I am very confident of that.  »

In 1991, reports surface of a joint project of the CIA and the Mossad in Central America, which included smuggling large-scale illegal drugs from Colombia through Panama to the United States. It was the code name « Opération Watchtower. » According to an affidavit signed by Colonel end Edward P. Cutolo, a US Army Special Forces Commander who was responsible for operations in Colombia included in this project, « watchtower of operation was intended to establish a series of three towers of the electronic tag begins outside Bogota, Colombia, and running North-East to the border of the Panama. » Once the watch tower teams were in place, the lighthouse has been activated in order to send a signal that aircraft could fix on fly not detected from Bogotá to Panama, then land at Albrook Air Station. « [fn 30] according to Cutolo, the flights were often greeted at Albrook Air Station by Noriega, other agents PDF, CIA agents and an Israeli citizen supposed to be David Kimche of Mossad. Another Israeli involved in flights was agent of Mossad Michael Harari, who maintained a close relationship with Noriega until the time of the U.S. invasion of December 20, 1989. According to the affidavit of Cutolo, «  » told of contacts of the Pentagon, in confidence, that the Director of Central Intelligence Stansfield Turner and former CIA Director George Bush are among the personalities which protect Harari public scrutiny. ‘  » According to Cutolo, « transported cargo from Colombia to Panama was cocaine », who eventually finished in the United States. The profits were allegedly laundered through a series of banks, including the Panama banks. According to published reports, Cutolo and a long list of other US military, who was aware of the operation Watchtower died in unexplained circumstances in the 1980s, one of them after having unsuccessfully tried to interest CBS News ’60 Minutes’ personal in this case. Mike Harari of the Mossad is would have been of the main suspects in the death of one of the American officers, army colonel James Rowe, who was killed in the Philippines, on April 21, 1989. At operation Watchtower on the agenda of the Bush-Noriega’s 1976 meeting?

According to proffer Noriega CIPA, « another contact between Noriega and George Bush was after George Bush became Vice President. Now that Noriega Bush has sent a letter of congratulations and Bush returned a response. In this letter, dated Date December 23, 1980, Bush said « Thanks for the great message of congratulations. » He says, « I remember your visit in 1976 and I hope that our paths will cross again. » « [fn 31]

There may be no doubt that Noriega relations with the Reagan-Bush administration were very intense. According to the Panamanian defector Jose Blandon, Noriega frequently went to Washington for secret private meetings with the Director of the CIA William Casey, during 1982-83, and the following year. Noriega also met a little later with the Iran-contra Bush point man, Oliver North. [fn 32] According to statement of CIPA de Noriega, Noriega was presented to the North on a cruise on the Potomac by us general Schweitzer, Director of the Inter-American joint military group. According to the statement of CIPA de Noriega, North had been consume a lot of alcohol and in an animated fashion spoke of the problems encountered by the contras. «North was particularly concerned about allegations that have surfaced linking the contras with drug trafficking.  » « Urged North Noriega to do everything he could to the contras. During this meeting to the North, said that he was in charge of all operations in Central America, having to do with the contras and that he worked directly for Reagan and Bush. Although the North requested the assistance, he did not say exactly what he wanted. North said Noriega that if at any time he needed to talk to the North that Noriega could just call it at the White House. [fn 33]

According to proffer CIPA de Noriega presented for trial in Miami, « from around August 1985 to September of 86 Noriega repeatedly received of emissaries of Oliver North. One was Humberto Quinones. Quinones has tried to win favors from Noriega and names used on several occasions of Reagan and Bush. Quinones said that the contras are not fighting very well and asked that the Panama come in aid to the contras. »

Later, at the end of summer 1985, Noriega spoke with North and Secord in London. North demanded that Noriega use Panamanian commandos to conduct operations against the Sandinista regime. « Just listened Noriega » and did not accept to cooperate. [fn 34]

It was all denied by the Bush campaign through spokesman Steve Hart, but the photo is from the meeting of Bush with Noriega in Panama City in December 1983. Don Gregg was also at the scene. This meeting was also attended by Everett Briggs, then the United States Ambassador to the Panama. During the previous months, Noriega had repudiated the policy of supporting the Nicaraguan Contras rebels that the Bushmen had managed to sell to Reagan as his obsession with foreground. Noriega has done this by declaring its support fo of the Contadora Group, which thus appears as alignment of Mexico, from Venezuela, Colombia and Panama, and which advocates a pacification plan and the restoration of national sovereignty in Central America as a whole through the prohibition of arms trafficking, with the withdrawal of bases and foreign advisers. According to Briggs, Bush may have sought the diplomatic support of Noriega to the American position in the region. But Briggs denies that Bush was also seeking a Panamanian military support against the Sandinistas. According to the Bushmen, talks of Bush to the Panama was devoted to a « privileged » with the President of Panama conference, la Espriella Ricardo, who was also present at the meeting. [fn 35] But Noriega was clearly the dominant figure on the political scene Panamanian.

Later, Sidekick Bush Don Gregg was obliged to testify under oath on Bush with Noriega relations in the context of the civil suit brought by the christic Institute in Washington, DC against members of the Bush-Shackley-Clines undertaking. Gregg said that the Ambassador Briggs himself was a friend of Bush. Gregg said that in December, 1983 meeting, Panamanian President Ricardo of la Espriella us had denied press reports from the complicity of the Panamanian authorities in drug trafficking.

But while Noriega maintained close relations with the United States, he has also treated Cuba and other countries in the region. Noriega was more motivated by Panamanian nationalism and the desire to preserve a degree of independence for his country. The hostility of the U.S. Government against Noriega was caused firstly by the refusal of Noriega to be submitted to the American policy of war against the Sandinista regime. This was explained by Noriega, in an interview with a journalist Mike Wallace CBS on February 4, 1988, in which Noriega described the American campaign against him as a « policy of the Ministry of Justice conspiracy ». Noriega has described a visit to Panama, December 17, 1985, by Admiral John Poindexter, then the head of the US National Security Council, which has demanded that Noriega join in acts of war against the Nicaragua, then threatened to Panama with the economic war and destabilization policy when Noriega refused to go and plans of Poindexter :

Noriega: Poindexter said he came on behalf of the Reagan presidency. He said that Panama and the Mexico acted against us in Central America policy because we were saying that the Nicaragua conflict must be settled peacefully. And this was not good enough for the plans of the Reagan administration. The only thing that will protect us to be economically and politically, attacked by the United States, is that we allow the contras to be trained in the Panama for the fight against the Nicaragua.

Wallace: He told you that you would be economically attacked if you do not do this?

Noriega: It has been said, Panama should expect economic consequences. Your interest is that we should help the contras, and we said ‘no’ to that.

This Poindexter’s plans for an invasion of the Nicaragua which requires the participation of troops fig leaf to other countries in the region:

Noriega: Yes, they wanted to attack the Nicaragua and the only reason why it had not already taken place was that the Panama was too much, and everything what they wanted it was that Panama would pave the way and make it possible for them to continue their plans.

According to the Advisor of Noriega, Panamanian Defence Forces captain Cortiso,.

« [the United States] wanted that Panamanian forces attack first.  » Then we would receive the support of American troops. « [fn 36]

It is in this same December, 1985 period that Bush and Don Gregg met Ambassador Briggs to discuss the refusal of the Noriega to follow dictated from Washington. According to Gregg in his testimony in the trial of the christic Institute, « I think that we [i.e., Bush and Gregg] came from the meeting with Ambassador Brggs with the sense that Noriega was a growing problem, politically, militarily, and possibly in the field of drugs. » Pressed to comment on relations assumed by Noriega for drug trafficking, Gregg could only add: « it would have been a part of the overall picture of Noriega as a political problem, corruption and a problem of policy. » «  » Yes. « [fn 37] »I do remember any specific discussion of Noriega’s involvement in drugs’, said Gregg. In this case, it is quite possible that Don Gregg is to provide once accurate testimony: the decision of the U.S. Government to interfere in the internal affairs of the beginning for the overthrow of Noriega Panama had nothing to do with the issues of drug trafficking. It was based on the rejection of Noriega of ultimatum to Poindexter requiring in favour of contra Nicargauan, themselves a gang of drug pushers with the full support of Bush and the Government of the United States. Colonel Samuel j. Watson III, National Security Advisor Deputy to Bush over the years, invoked the privilege of the Executive in his christic Institute statement on the advice of his lawyer to avoid responding to questions about the Bush with Briggs 1985 meeting. [fn 38]

In addition to the issue of aid from contra, another reason to be official rage US against Noriega appeared in 1985. President Nicky Barletta, darling of the State Department and former vice-president of the Bank World genocidal, attempted to impose a package of measures of economic adjustment dictated by the Monetary Fund International and conditionalities. It was a brutal austerity package, and the riots soon erupted in protest against Barletta. Noriega refused to comply with the request of Barletta to use military forces Panamanians to quell unrest, anti-austerites, and the IMF austerity package has been so compromised. Barletta was just ousted as president.

During 1986-1987, Noriega has cooperated with U.S. law enforcement authorities in a number of anti-drug operations very efficient. This successful joint effort has been documented by letters of congratulations sent to Noriega’s John C. Lawn, this head of the Drug Enforcement Administration of United States time. February 13, 1987, the lawn has written to Noriega: « your support for a long time by the Drug Enforcement Administration is greatly appreciated. International police cooperation and the vigorous pursuit of drug traffickers is our common goal. » Later in the same year, lawn wrote to Noriega to pay tribute to contributions his operation Pisces, a joint effort by the United States-Panama against drug trafficking and the laundering of drug. Panamanian participation was facilitated by tough new legislation, called Bill 23, which contains tough new provisions against money drug capital. Letter of 27 May 1987 Noriega lawn includes the following items: *as you know, functioning fish just ended has been enormously successful: millions of dollars and thousands of kilos of drugs were taken from drug traffickers and international money launderers…

Yet once, the DEA and the Panama officials treated together an effective blow against drug traffickers and international money launderers. Your personal commitment to fish from the operation and competent, professional and tireless of other officials in the Republic of the Panama has been essential to the positive outcome of this investigation. Dealers of drugs around the world knows now that the profits from their illegal activities are not welcome at the Panama. The operation of 6 may resulted in the freezing of millions of dollars in the bank accounts of drug traffickers. Simultaneously, the Bank documents were confiscated which gave officials of important information about drug trafficking and the laundering operations of the drug trade. The DEA has always appreciated the close cooperation, and we are ready to act together against international drug traffickers whenever the opportunity arises. [fn 39]

By a striking coincidence, it was in June 1987, a month barely after this tribute was written, that the U.S. Government has declared war against the Panama, by launching a campaign aimed at destabilizing Noriega on the pretext of lack of democracy and corruption. June 30, 1987, the U.S. State Department demanded the dismissal of general Noriega. Elliott Abrams, the Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America, most later developed business indicted for perjury in 1991 for his role in the Iran-contra scandal and cover-up, made the announcement. Abrams took note of a resolution adopted on 23 June by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee calling for the establishment of a « democratic Government » the Panama and formally concurred, which makes the overthrow of Noriega, the official policy of the United States. Abrams has also demanded that the Panamanian army liberated from « political corruption ».

It was precisely the measures of destabilization that Poindexter had threatened 18 months earlier. The effective date of the U.S. demand for the ouster of Noriega appears to have been dictated by the resentment in the American financial community on the apparent contradiction with certain taboos in its measures against laundering of drug of Noriega. As the New York Times pointed out in August 10, 1987: « the political crisis closely follows it as bankers here seen as a serious breach of the rules of banking secrecy. » « Earlier this year, as part of an American campaign against drug money laundering, the Panamanian Government has frozen some accounts suspects here in a way that the bankers and lawyers considered arbitrary. » It was precisely the actions glorified by the lawn. Noriega had closed operations sanctioned by the American intelligence community or confiscated the assets of New York banks?

In November 1987, Noriega was visited by former vice presidential Chief of staff Bush, Admiral Daniel J. Murphy. Murphy had left Bush’s Office in 1985 to enter the international consulting company. Murphy was accompanied during his trip Tongsun Park, a protagonist of the scandal of the Koreagate of 1976 which had served so well to Bush. Murphy said that the Park was part of a group of international businessmen who had sent him to the Panama to determine if Murphy could help « restore stability to the Panama » as traders or representative of the Panamanian Government, a history of coverage of the singular. « Really, I was trying to find out if there is room for negotiation between him and the opposition, » Murphy said at the beginning of 1988. It reported that Murphy, who had conferred with the NSC chief Colin Powell, Don Gregg, and Elliott Abrams of the State Department, before going to Panama, said Noriega that he could remain in his post through early 1989, if he allowed political reforms, free elections and a free press, but Murphy denied having done this. He still does not know precisely what Murphy mission sent to Panama for Bush. [fn 40]

August 12, 1987, Noriega responded to opposition campaigns fomented by the United States within Panama by stating that the objective of Washington and his minions Panamanian was « to break the Panama as a free and independent nation. It’s a repeat of what Teddy Roosevelt did when he attacked militarily following the separation of the Colombia Panama. » August 13, 1987, the Los Angeles Times reported that US Assistant Attorney general Stephen Trott, who had led the Working Group ‘Get Noriega »Department of Justice for more than a year, had sent orders from » together everything we have on him [Noriega] to see if it is liable to prosecution.  » This classic ‘enemies list’ operation was clearly intended to manufacture drug charges against Noriega, since that was the political spin that the American regime wished to confer on the attack on Panama. In February 1988, Noriega has been indicted U.S. fresh drugs, despite a lack of evidence and of incompetence even more convincing. This indictment was quickly followed by economic sanctions, an embargo on trade with other measures of economic warfare which were invoked by Washington on March 2, 1988. All these measures have been programmed to coincide with the presidential preference primaries ‘Super’ Tuesday in the southern States, where Bush has benefited from the racist appeal from the onslaught of Noriega, who is of Métis ancestry and has a swarthy complexion.

In the spring of 1988, the Reagan Administration conducted negotiations with Noriega with the stated purpose to convince her to give up power in Exchange for having the cost of medication against him dropped. In may, Michael G. Kozak, Assistant Secretary of State Assistant for inter-American Affairs had sent to the Panama to meet with Noriega. Bush had attacked other candidates for the Presidency, in particular the Dukakis, to be soft on Noriega sought negotiations with the Panamanian leader. Bush first spoke at a meeting of Directors directors to advocate an end to negotiations with Noriega. According to the press, this proposal was « hotly contested. » Then, in a speech in Los Angeles, Bush made one of his starts extremely rare since the Reagan line by announcing with a straight face that a Bush Administration would step « negotiate with drug traffickers » at home or abroad. [fn 41]

Interest of Bush Noriega continued after that he had assumed the Presidency. April 6, 1989, Bush officially declared that the Government of the Panama represented « an unusual and extraordinary threat » to U.S. national security and foreign policy. He relied upon the national emergencies Act and emergency International law to declare a State of « national emergency » in the country to meet the threat allegedly posed by the nationalists of the Panama shortly. The issue of May 1, 1989, US News and World Report revealed that Bush had authorized the expenditure of $10 million in the Fund of the CIA for operations against the Panamanian authorities. These funds were obviously to be used to influence the Panamanian elections, which were scheduled for early May. The money was delivered to Panama Lansky CIA Eric de Carlos Almaran rooms, who had just been arrested in Georgia in April 1989 on charges of drug trafficking. On 2 may, with an eye on these elections, Bush tried to refurbush his image of pool wet with a thunderous tirade sent to the Rockefeller-controlled Council of the Americas where he stated: « I would like to say one thing clearly. The USA does not accept the results of the fraudulent elections which serve to maintain the supreme commander of the Panamanian armed forces to power. « This clearly says that Bush intended to declare the non-democratic elections if the pro-Noriega candidates were not defeated.

In the elections of May 7, $10 million from the CIA and other sums of money were used to finance a vast secret operation to steal the elections. The United States have supported Civic Democratic Alliance, whose candidate was Guillermo Endara, bought votes, bribed election officials and finally physically fled with the official vote counts. Due to the massive scheme of fraud and irregularities, the Panamanian Government annulled the election. Somewhere along the line of the usual put in American scene ‘people power’ resurgence was not to materialize. The failure of Bush to force through a victory of the opposition anti-Noriega was a first moment of humiliation for the so-called Rough Rider.

This is the opportunity of a new explosion of breast-beating hypocritical of Bush, whose vote fraud operation had not worked so well in Panama as she had in New Hampshire. Speaking at the launching ceremony of Mississippi State University in Starkville, Mississippi, Bush launched a formal appeal to acquire and the soldiers of the Panama to overthrow Noriega, stating that « they should do everything as they can to get out of there Mr. Noriega ». Asked if it was a call for a military coup against Noriega, Bush replied: « I’d love to see them get out of there. Not only the file PDF – the will of the people of Panama. « Bush said that his was a call for » a revolution – the people arose, and has talked to – in a democratic election with an important – a huge-participation rate, said what they wanted.  » The will of the people must not be thwarted by this man and a handful of these rogue Doberman. «  »I think that the election has therefore clearly that people want democracy and a therefore clear that democracy is thwarted by a man that’s in itself would be the catalyst to remove Noriega, »said Bush, making its characteristic equation of ‘democracy’ with a regime subservient to the whim of US. Bush has procrastinated on its own commitment to dismantle the Panamanian defense Forces, saying that he wanted « to make clear… that he has no vendetta against the Forces of Panamanian defence as an institution; » the United States was concerned that the status of « banditry » and « outcast » of Noriega. Bush also seemed to invite the assassination of Noriega to blurt, « No, I would like to add any words of caution » on how to do all this. It slyly to open an escape hatch in the case where a coup d ‘ état leader called the United States to support, as in fact later: « If PDF support to get rid of Noriega, they would not need the support of to the United States to get rid of Noriega.  » He is a man, and they have a well-trained force. « Bush also appears to encourage Noriega to flee to a country where he could be extradited to the United States, which sounded like a recipe to avoid lawsuits that could prove to be very embarrassing for Bush personally and for the whole of the U.S. Government.

During this period, Admiral William Crowe, the Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, attempted to convince to the Panama American commander, general Frederick. F. Woerner, to accept a reinforcement of brigade-size of 3 000 soldiers in addition to 12 000 men already stationed in the Panama. Woerner declined the additional troops, which the Pentagon had intended to ship with great pomp in an attempt to intimidate Noriega and his triumphant supporters. At this stage the preparations of the Pentagon activated for operation blue spoon, which included a contingency plan to kidnap Noriega using a Delta Force unit. There were discussions on the question of whether an attempt could have removed Noriega with any probability of success; It was concluded that Noriega was very cunning and extremely difficult to follow. It is during these discussions that Secretary of defense Cheney is reported saying Crowe, «  »you know, the President has had a long history of vindictive political actions. » ».  » Cross Bush and you pay,’ he says, providing the names of some victims and adding: Bush remembers and one must be careful. « [fn 42] so intimidated by Bush, military commanders agreed with the announcement by Bush of size of a brigade for Woerner strengthening, as well as secret sending forces Delta and Navy Seals. On 17 July, Bush approved a plan to « assert U.S. Treaty rights ‘ by demonstrative military provocations of company in violation of the Treaty. Woerner was soon replaced by general Maxwell Reid ‘Mad Max’ Thurman, who would bring no qualms to his assignment of aggression. Thurman resumed to southern command on September 30.

As a result of this tirade, the American forces to the Panama began a systematic campaign of military provocations which continued until the invasion on 20 December. In July, American forces began to play way to seize important military installations Panamanian and civilian targets, in flagrant violation of the Treaty of the Panama Canal. July 1, for example, the town of Gamboa was seized and held for 24 hours by U.S. troops, tanks and helicopters. The Mayor of the town and 30 other people were detained illegally during this ‘manoeuvre ‘. Chilibre, U.S. forces have occupied key purification station serving the city of Panama and Colon. August 15, Bush escalated the rhetoric even more further by proclaiming that he had the obligation « to remove Noriega ». Then, during the first days of October, there was the attempt of coup d’etat sponsored by U.S. aborted, followed by public humiliation of George Bush, who did not have to compete against the standards of effectiveness established by Theodore Roosevelt.

Throughout October and November and December, the Bush Administration has worked to prepare the plans for an invasion on a large scale of Panama, operation blue spoon. In mid-December, there were a total of 24 000 American soldiers in Panama, deployed against the 16 000 of the PDF, including only about 3 500 were organized and equipped for military combat.

In the United States are now committed to a military attack. With effect from January 1, 1990, according to the Treaty to the United States and Panama, the head of the administration of the canal must be Panamanian citizens, proposed by Panama and approved by the U.S. Government. It was a transaction that Bush wanted to pursue with a puppet government and not with an independent Government. Transparent light us preparations for an invasion to short term or another incursion of the army, the National Assembly of the Panama adopted a resolution on 15 December to take note of the situation which had now been forced to Panama by Bush. The statement was designed to support emergency powers by the Panamanian Government to respond to the crisis and was in no way equivalent to a declaration of war in international law, no more than the statement April 6, 1989 by Bush of the American State of emergency before the Panamanian situation was. « The Republic of Panama, » the read statement, « for the past two years has undergone cruel and constant harassment by the U.S. Government, which the President has made use of the powers of war… to submit to the will of Panamanian… The Republic of the Panama is living as a true state of war, under the permanent tracking of the U.S. Government, including the soldiers not only daily, undermine the integrity of the Torrijos-Carter treaties… but trample our sovereign rights violation open, arrogant and shameless of the Covenants and the norms of international law… This is why it is resolved that the Republic of Panama are declared in State of war, because as long as triggered aggression against the Panamanian people by the U.S. Government continues. « [fn 43] the first comment by the spokesman for the White House Marlin Fitzwater was to minimize this statement: »I don’t think that someone here believes it is quite important in terms of impact, »Fitzwater told the White House press. It was only after Bush gave the final order to attack it was discovered that this statement was an another casus belli.

At this point, the activity of provocation to the United States has been strengthened, with particular attention to approaches to the headquarters of Noriega, command. Here, at the point of PDF A Avenue, on the evening of Saturday, December 16, marine Lieutenant Adam J. Curtis and his wife Bonnie had been detained as they have chosen to take an evening stroll in this very tense and very sensitive area. Their presence could in no case have been interpreted as purely casual. Then, while the Lieutenant and Ms. Curtis had their identity is verified by the PDF, a car occupied by four other officers of Americans of ‘rest’ in civilian clothes drove up. These officers said later that they had taken a wrong turning the Comandancia of Noriega, where the cat and mouse game of potential kidnappers and their prey was known to go to every hour. These U.S. officials alleged that the PDF guards had ordered them out of their car under the threat. But American officials also admitted they tried to depart from the area of the PDF checkpoint at high speed, and it is not clear in what direction they were headed. Car of the American officers have managed to leave the scene. At this stage, according to the American account, the PDF guards opened fire and wounded Lieutenant Navy Robert Paz, which is most later reported to have died of his wounds at the we Gorgas military hospital. Another American officer in the car was slightly injured in the leg.

When the Lieutenant and Ms. Curtis had been released by the PDF about four hours later, they alleged that Lieutenant Curtis had been beaten, and Ms. Curtis fondled and sexually threatened by PDF. These details, which may have been purely invented, had seized obsessive Bush in its public justifications for the invasion. Published accounts indicate that the US Southern Command public affairs officer suggested that lieutenant Curtis being interviewed on television to tell his story, but that this idea was quickly blocked by the defense Secretary Cheney, suggesting that the authority of the American command had his doubts on the ability of Curtis to tell a story that is useful for factory of propaganda by the Bush regime. [fn 44]

With incidents of Avenue A, the imposing « war of minds » and « mind control » unit of the American regime went into action. Here Bush was a protégé of his father, Adolf Hitler book sheet. When Hitler wanted to invade the Poland, it ended its military preparations and then staged the infamous provocation, code-named operation canned meat to the radio station Gleiwitz on the German side of the border with the Poland. The Nazis took some German inmates from a prison, and then killed them dressed in Polish uniforms. These bodies were then presented to the press following a deadly raid of poles across the border. Within hours, Hitler had issued a declaration of war from early morning. Bush has shown that his pedigree was acquired in the same school.

Bush gave the final order for the attack on Sunday, December 17. He made a series of ramblings set out regarding the sexual abuse alleged by Ms. Curtis and it was obvious that racist hysteria was being obtained so active. In his speech at 07:20 on December 21, 1989 announcing the American invasion, said Bush: *.

Several attempts were made to resolve this crisis through diplomacy and negotiation. All were rejected by the dictator of the Panama, general Manuel Noriega, an accused drug trafficker.

Last Friday, Noriega said his military dictatorship to be in a State of war with the United States and publicly threatened the lives of Americans in the Panama. The following day the forces under his command shot and killed an unarmed American serviceman, wounded another, arrested and brutally beaten a third military American and then brutally interrogated his wife, she threatens to sexual abuse. This was not enough. [fn 45]

On 22 December, Bush asked what had made him decide to launch the attack now. He replied:

I think what changed my mind was the events I mentioned at the meeting of information the American people on it yesterday: the death of the Navy, stunning, really obscene of the Navy lieutenant torture and the threat of sexual abuse and terror imposed on the wife of the lieutenant of the Navy… [fn 46]

Later in the same press conference obsessive Bush returned for the same topic, this time answering a question on the Soviet reaction to the United States to move:

And I need to leave [Gorbachov] soaps also – look, if a U.S. marine was killed, if they kill a U.S. Marine – which is really bad. « And if they threaten and brutalize the wife of an American citizen, sexually threatening wife of lieutenant while kicking him in the groin over and over again, then, Mr Gorbachov, understand, this president will do something.

Blacks and mestizos are the vast majority of the population of the Panama. The image of main enemy was built around the figure of Noriega, who was ridiculed as a « pineapple » in the American media loyal to Bush. Noriega, however, was not the only target: Francisco Rodriguez, President of the Panama, pro-Noriega was, like Noriega, a Métis, while Minister of Government and justice, the Minister of the Treasury, and the Minister of labour were all black. The Foreign Minister was of Chinese descent, as the head of the small air force. A number of colleagues PDF leaders of Noriega was black. On the other hand, Guillermo Endara, the new American president puppet who was now adminiustered his oath of office by the US on an American military base military, was white and white was his escort, including first Vice President Ricardo Arias Calderon and second vice president Guillermo « Billy » Ford. There would be only a non-white in the new Endara wardrobe, a black woman who was Minister of education. The rest of US assets belonged to the oligarchy the Panama white, rabiblancos or « rabbits », which had ruled the country with supreme incomptence and maximum corruption until the advent of the Nationalist revolution of general Omar Torrijos, Noriega boss, in 1968. Endara, was among the «BMW» revolutionaries who had participated in anti-Noriega demonstrations only in the comfort of their air-conditioned limousines. It was the kind of Bush’s people. One of the soldatesca of Bush to Panama, general Marc Cisneros, boasted that the Panamanians ‘need to have a small infusion of values Anglo.  »

U.S. military operations, which got underway just after midight Tuesday, were conducted with uncommon ferocity. The officers were obsessed with avoiding a repeat of the fiasco of a desert on 1980, or fratricidal losses of Grenada. Mad Max Thurman sent in new Stealth and A-7 fighter-bombers and helicopter gunships AC-13. Autour Comandancia de Noriega, called El Chorillo neighborhood was bombed with a vengeance and practically shaved, as was the working-class district of San Miguelito and large parts of the city of Colon. American commanders had ordered that Bush wants to avoid at all costs the American victims, and that any hostile fire should be answered by overwhelming fire American power, irrespective of the number of civilian casualties that might produce among Panamanians. Many Panamanian civilians were secretly buried in unmarked mass graves for the dead of the night by US forces; many other organizations have been consumed in the Holocaust of the fires that leveled El Chorillo. The seismology Institute counted 417 bursts of bomb in the city of Panama only during the first 14 hours of the invasion. For several days, there is no estimate US of dead civilians (or « collateral damage »), and finally the Bush regime fixed the number of deaths to non-combatants Panamanian to slightly more than 200. In fact, as Executive Intelligence Review and the US Attorney general Ramsay Clark pointed out, there were about 5 000 civilian innocent victims, including many women and children.

US forces rounded up to 10 000 political opponents suspected of ‘democracy’ and them incarcerated in concentration camps, many of them calling for prisoners of war. Many political prisoners were held for months after the invasion without being charged with any specific offence, a flagrant violation of the norms of habeas corpus. The economic ravages of 30 months US sanctions and economic warfare, as well as the results of the bombing, fighting and brandons, had taken an estimated $7 billion out of the Panamanian economy, in which severe poverty was the lot of most people outside the rabiblanco of bankers who have been the main support to the intervention by Bush. The bombing left 15 000 homeless. The Endara Government purged thousands of officials and civil servants under the pretext that they had been tainted by their association with Noriega. Ironically, the new American puppet regime could only be described as a congeries of drug pushers and drug money launderers. The summary was provided by the International Herald Tribune on February 7, 1990, who said: ‘new president Guillermo Endara of the nation has for years a Director of Panamanian banks used by Colombia drug traffickers. Guillermo Ford, second vice-president and Chairman of the Banking Committee, is co-owner of the Florida Dadeland Bank, which was named in a court case from two years as a central financial institution for one of the largest Medellin money launderers, Gonzalo Mora. Rogelio Cruz, the new attorney general, has been a Director of the First Bank Interamericas, owned by Rodrguez Orejuela, one of the bosses of the gang from the Cali Cartel in Colombia. « The corpulent Endara was also the trading partner and corporate attorney for Carlos Almaran Eric rooms, the CIA already mentioned bagman. Eftekhari Almaran, the Panamanian branch owner of tobacco Philip Morris was arraigned in Bibb County, by DEA officials who accused him of conspiracy to import 600 kilograms of cocaine a month to the United States and set up shell companies to launder the estimated $300 million in profits that this project was supposed to produce. Eric was first released on bail of $8 million; After the ‘success’ of the Panama invasion, all charges against him have been ordered dropped by Bush and Thornburgh. Heart of Bush was out in his speech of war December 21, mainly to push drug Billy Ford: « you remember those horrific images of head covered by newly elected Vice President Ford at the foot in blood, beaten mercilessly by the so-called »dignity battalions.’  » Bush, it seems, has ever wanted to beat up a drug pusher.

With regard to the first vice-president of Endara, Ricardo Arias Calderon, his brother, Jaime Arias Calderón, was president of First Interamericas bank when it was controlled by the Cali cartel. Jaime Arias Calderón was also co-owner of the Banco Continental, who laundered $40 million in drug money, of which a portion was used to finance the activities of the opposition anti-Noriega. Thus, all most important newly-installed puppet of Bush were involved in drug trafficking.

The invasion presented very difficult times for Bush. Since the beginning of the operation in late December 20 until Christmas Eve, the imposing appliance martial American had proved unable to locate and capture Noriega. US Southern Command was terrified when a few loyalists Noriega launched a surprise attack on U.S. Headquarters with mortars, the media personnel who had been grinding their broadcast propaganda.

There was great fear by the U.S. command that Noriega had completed a plan for the PDF document melt away cash weapons and secret bases in the Panamanian jungle for a prolonged guerrilla war effort. As it turned out, Noriega had failed to give the order to disperse. The reason is more informative: Noriega had planned a move to the United States, but refused to credit the overwhelming evidence that the United States launched an invasion on a large scale to completely dismantle the PDF and occupying the whole of the Panamanian territory. Noriega remained convinced until very late in the day that the aggression of the United States would be limited to a raid of commando devoted mainly to the removal or the assassination of Noriega and some key lieutenants. In this area, Noriega joined the company of the Shah of Iran, President Marcos of the Philippines and Saddam Hussein in the Iraq, who have been unable to understand the true extent of the commitment of the United States to overthrow their regimes (or, in the case of the Iraq, lay waste to a large part of the country). This is the main reason why the PDF cannot execute its plan to disperse and regroup in the jungle.

As the eve of Christmas was approaching, and Noriega had not yet been eliminated, a hysterical whining more colorful public statements by Bush. In his December 22 press conference, Bush was extremely agitated and opened the complaining: « I have a short release, which will be followed by a brief press conference, because I have a pain in the neck. Seriously. « Bush has refused to discuss the details of this pain. Was it a symptom of thyroid disease, which was diagnosed in early May of 1991? It is difficult to determine, but the hyperthyroid mood there no confusion Bush. Its response to the first inevitable question to stalk the demonized Noriega:

I’ve been frustrated that it has been in power this long – extraordinarily frustrated. The good news: it is out of power. The bad news: it has not yet been brought to justice. So I have to say, there is a certain level of frustration on this account. The good news, though. This is the beginning of the Government to function and human control no force, and it came out. But, Yes, I’ll be satisfied until we see coming to justice.

Noriega was irrelevant, Bush attempted to suggest, since both his Government and the army had ceased to exist, but Bush was not convinced. He fears a long day of Christmas past by you by 80 million families, with no news except football scores and the mortified consternation of American diet Noriega had managed to escape. Then, on the evening of 24 December, it was reported that Noriega, a Uzi machine gun armed, made his way unchallenged and undetected at the Papal Nunciature in Panama where he had sought and obtained political asylum. There is no report of how far George Bush not gnawed in the Bigelows of the White House after hearing that news, but it is clear that there was significant damage to the thick in the Oval Office.

Iron arm which develops then wrapped the hereditary war of the Bush with the Holy See and the Roman Catholic Church family. For eight days, U.S. troops surrounded the Nunciature, which they proceeded to bombard of deafening decibel of explicitly Satanic heavy metal and other music hard rock, which, according to some reports, had been personally selected by mad Max Thurman to « Disturbing Noriega and the Nuncio, » Bishop LaBoa. Noriega was reputed to be an opera lover.

At the same time, Bush ordered the Department of State to perform genuine acts of banditry by making threatening statements to the Holy See. It became clear that Catholics, religious, priests of the monks and the prelates would soon be in danger in many ibero-American countries. Nevertheless, the Vatican refused to expel Noriega of the Nunciature in accordance with the U.S. requirements. Forces of Bush to the Panama had shown that they were willing to play fast and loose with diplomatic immunity. A number of foreign embassies have been burglarized by our troops while they were frantically for Noriega, and the Cuban and the embassies of the Nicaragua were banded with tanks and troops in an awkward gesture of intimidation. It is clear that, in this context, Bush considered the assault of the Nunciature by U.S. forces. Perhaps it was deterred by the political consequences in the world, it would have been faced. When the German Wehrmacht occupied Rome during the war of 1943-44, Hitler had never dared to order an incursion into the territory of the Vatican. Bush could face the stigma of having ordered that Hitler himself had excluded? At this point, Bush criminal energy failed him, and he had to seek other options.

It was hard days for Bush. On December 27, he gave another press conference in which he asked:

Q: Do you not fear that Mr. Noriega may disclose any information from the CIA that could embarrass you or the Government?

Bush: No.

Q: absolutely nothing?

Bush: I do not think. I think that it is history and I think the main thing is that he should be tried and brought to justice and that we pursue this course without fear of it. You know, we can enter in any publication of certain confidential documents, that he may deem side blind the whole process of justice, but the system works, so I wouldn’t worry that.

Q: You open the documents that it might require so that there would no doubt that there has been in other cases?

Bush: In there is enough to see that he gave a completely fair trial.

Day of the year was excruciating for Bush, because it is another holiday spent at home with football scores are only speculation on how long Noriega would escape to the legions of Bush. Refusal to manifest from the Vatican to expel Noriega seemed to deprive the aggression of Bush’s his whole moral justification: If Noriega was what Bush argued, why Pope Jean Paul II has refused to honour the imperative US demand for custody? While Bush squirms in agony waiting for the Rose Bowl at the end, he began to think once more the power of the people.

In Panama City, Endara forces – Ford – Arias Calderon has mobilized their BMW base and hired hundreds of people who had nothing to eat for demonstrations by activists outside the Nunciature. They were generously stocked with us special forces and other commandos dressed in civilian clothes. As the protests grew more menacing and American and tank troops made no move to prevent them, it was clear that U.S. forces are preparing to stage a violent but « spontaneous » assault by the masses on the Nunciature which would include the assassination of Noriega and the small group of his colleagues who had accompanied him in this building. At that time Bishop Laboa warned Noriega, « you might be lynched as Mussolini. » Noriega appears to have concluded that remaining in the Nunciature meant certain death for himself and his subordinates at the hands of U.S. commandos operating under the guise of the crowd. LaBoa and other religious personnel of the Nunciature would also be in great danger. On January 3, 1990, after thanking LaBoa and giving him a letter to the Pope, Noriega, dressed in the uniform of the overall sound, left the Nunciature and handed over to Gen. Cisneros.

In the speech of Bush on 20 December, he offered the following justification for his act of war, operation Just Cause:

The objectives of the United States were to preserve the lives of the Americans, to defend democracy in the Panama, to combat drug trafficking and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal Treaty.

If there were goals, Bush of Panama invasion must be considered not only a crime, but also a failure.

April 5, 1991, newspapers in all of Latin America held details of a new report by the U.S. Drug Administration Enfocrement, confirming that the installed puppet Panama Guillermo Endara U.S. President, had been an officer of at least six companies that had been clearly involved in laundering drug money. It was the Banco General and Banco de Colombia, the Union Bank of Switzerland, the Banco Aleman, primer Banco de Ahorros, Sudameris, Banaico, Banco del Istmo. The laundered money came from a network of drug led by Augusto Falcon smuggling and averaging Sahvador Magluta of Colombia, who have smuggled a ton of cocaine a month in Florida over the 1977-87 decade, including a large number of the years during which Bush famous South Florida Task Force and related transactions were exploited.

With President puppet so heavily involved in the international drug mafia activity, it may be no surprise that the scourge of illegal drugs has significantly worsened following the invasion of Bush. According to the independent of 5 March 1991 London, ‘ statistics now indicate that since the departure of general Noriega, cocaine trafficking has, in fact, have prospered « in the country.  » On 1 March, the State Department admitted that the turnover of drug money laundered in the Panama resumed at levels reached before the invasion of 1989. According to the Los Angeles Times on April 28, 1991, the current levels of drug trafficking in the Panama « in some cases go beyond » what existed before the invasion on 20 December, and American officials « say the trend is clearly upward and includes serious movements by Colombian cartels in areas largely ignored under Noriega ». This is all true activity drug, and let not the tamales of corn meal wrapped in banana Bush spirit experts war found in one of the residences of Noriega and tagged as « cocaine » during the invasion.

Invasion of Panama Bush did nothing to combat the scourge of illegal narcotics. Instead, the fact that that many of the Bush hand-picked puppets can be shown to be better figures in the drug mafia suggests that trafficking of drugs through Panama to the United States increased after the ouster of Noriega. If shipments of drugs to the United States increased, this exposes the Bush pledge to « protect the lives of the Americans » as a lie.

What is the promise of democracy, it should be underlined that Panama remained under the military dictatorship of the US direct and virtual martial law so far at the end of the fall of 1991, two years after Bush adventure was launched. The elections Congress and local which took place during early 1991 were carefully orchestrated by the American occupying forces. Army intelligence units interviewed potential voters, and medical battalions were distributing vaccines and medicines to urban and rural populations to encourage them to vote. Every important official of the Panamanian Government of Endara on toward the low a U.S. Army « liaison officers » affected permanently. These agents come from the Department of civic defense team Action-countries of the region (or CA – CAT), a counter-insurgency and a ‘nation building’ device that runs the teams « civic action » raised during the Viet Nam war. CA – CAT officers supervise all departments and supervise same police compound in the city of Panama. The Panamanian defense Forces have been disbanded, and the CA – CAT officers are busy creating a new force, the Fuerza Publica. In December 1990 and January 1991, the coalition led by the United States was preparing to launch its attacks in Iraq, military large-scale demonstrations have been organized by the United States forces in the provinces of Chiriqui, Bocas del Toro, Panama and Colon, in order to intimidate the large Arab populations of these areas, including the United States suspected of sympathizing with the Iraq. Radio stations and newspapers that spoke out against the invasion of American or criticized the puppet regime were jailed or intimidated, as in the case of the editor Escolástico Calvo, which took place in the concentration camps and prisons since a few months after the invasion without an arrest warrant and without specific charges. Trade union rights are non-existent: after a demonstration by 100 000 persons in December 1990 had protested the growing unemployment and plans of Endara « privatize » the State sector by selling off the coast of a song for bankers rabiblanco, all trade union leaders who had organized the March were fired from their jobs, and arrest warrants have been issued against 100 Union by the Government representatives. But even the intrusive military presence was not sufficient to restore stability to the Panama: December 5, 1990, heavily armed American forces were sent in the streets of Panama City to deter a coup that was allegedly being prepared by Eduardo Herrera, the former Chief of police. As the popularity of « Porky » Endara weakens, there are signs that Bush’s State Department is grooming a possible successor to Gabriel Lewis Galindo, the owner of the Banco del Istmo, one of the banks involved in the drug, laundering of.

Following the invasion of Bush, the Panama economy was not rebuilt, but a rather collapsed more in poverty. The Bush administration has set as the first imperative for the puppet regime maintenance of the $6 billion from the Panama debt-servicing international debt. Debt service payments have priority on spending of public works, public health and all other categories. Bush had promised to Panama $2 billion for reconstruction after the invasion, but it then fell to $1 billion. What was finally was only $460 million, which was simply transferred to the banks on Wall Street to support the service of the debt owed by the Panama. The figure of $460 exceeds just the $400 in Panamanian farms which were supposedly frozen by the United States during the period of the economic war against Noriega, but which were then given to the banks of New York, also for debt service payments.

In what concerns the integrity of the Treaty of the Panama Canal by Torrijos and Carter has signed and ratified by the U.S. Senate, a resolution co-sponsored by Republican Senator Bob Dole of Kansas and member of the Congress of GOP Phil Crane of Illinois is currently before Congress that calls on Bush to renegotiate the Treaty in order to enable us military forces to remain in Panama beyond the current December 31 deadline 1999. Since no Panamanian Government could reopen negotiations on the Treaty and survive, this strategy, which seems to benefit from the support of the White House by Bush, involves an American military occupation of not only the former area of the Canal, but first of Panama, for the foreseeable future.

Thus, on all items listed by Bush as basis for its policy – the lives of the Americans, Panamanian democracy, anti-drug operations, and the integrity of the Treaty–Bush got a fiasco. Invasion of Panama Bush will remain as a chapter of shame and infamy in the recent history of the United States.

This book will put pressure, the prosecution presents its evidence in the trial of general Noriega to Miami, Florida. These procedures have been a shocking demonstration of political motivation frameups, State police who are now the rule in U.S. courts. Noriega was presented to the United States thanks to a violent exercise in international abductions. In all cases, the undeniable status of Noriega as a prisoner of war means that in accordance with the Geneva Convention cannot be held criminally responsible before a Court of the United States for actions which predates the opening of hostilities between the United States and the Panama. These open global considerations the way a series of scandalous abuse in the context of the trial itself. After « mind war » plan Bush conducted in cooperation with the controlled news media, it is clear that Noriega could not receive a fair trial anywhere in the United States, due to the impossibility of finding an impartial jury. During the time that Noriega was preparing his defense, the U.S. Department of Justice and the FBI have violated the rights of the defendant under the sixth amendment the tapping and recording of his conversations with his defense lawyers. Attorney Raymond Takiff retained by Noriega as a lawyer, while he was working for the U.S. Department of Justice as a secret informant in undercover sting operations. In its opinion before the political trial outrageously, U.S. District Judge William Hoeveler prohibits all references to Noriega relations with the CIA Director and Vice President George Bush, ruling that Noriega-Bush relationship was irrelevant at the expense of the U.S. Government that Noriega was part of drug trafficking to the United States. Hoeveler provisional decision amounts to a ban on discussion of wrongdoing by the U.S. Government. This tripe defence of Noriega, who is that US agencies and not Noriega, were responsible for the importation of narcotic drugs illegal in the United States as part of the U.S. to support Government policy the contras Nicaraguan, and that the U.S. Government made on February, 1988, indictments against Noriega as part of a political strategy to overthrow him because he refused to join the United States in support of the contras.

The parade of Government witnesses against Noriega includes the usual who’s who of professional perjurers since the federal Witness Protection program. This testimony against Noriega are, almost without exception, the criminals at the mercy of the U.S. Government, which many have agreements relating to plea with federal prosecutors, in which they were treated more leniently in Exchange for their willingness to testify against Noriega. These professional witnesses are a phalanx of the stringers of the CIA and other mercenaries of the perjury wars who received total payments of money of the American taxpayer estimated that anywhere between $1.5 million and $6 million. Maintenance of this stable of witnesses and other court exorbitant costs are not being borne by the presidential campaign of Bush, nor Bush personally, despite the fact that the main objective of the work is retroactively validate atrocity of Bush of December 1989 and to contribute to its efforts to the glorification of self for re-election in 1992. Judge Hoeveler has repealed the usual rules of evidence, admission of hearsay reports on the activities of Noriega as Carlos Lehder celebrity criminals who have never met nor spoken with Noriega. Despite this unprecedented mobilization of the police state apparatus, media as U.S. News and World Report of 23 September 1991 have conceded that the case of the Department of Justice against Noriega is « surprisingly weak », and not friendly to Noriega’s lawyers have said that the first month of the prosecution’s case had completely failed to provide convincing evidence of any violation of U.S. law by Noriega.

Performance of Bush during the Panama crisis was particularly worrying because the President clearly emerging mental imbalance. Several explosions during the press conferences of Noriega had looked like real public adjustments. Racist and sexual obsessions were reaching a critical mass in the subconscious of Bush. These phenomena of rough has not received the attention they deserved of journalists, commentators and experts, who have instead preferred to carefully ignore.

It was during these last days of 1989 which mental disintegration of Bush has become undeniable, foreshadowing more upcoming furors.

Return to Table of contents

NOTES:

1. Washington Post, January 21, 1991.

2 Evans and Novak, « A Note from Saddle River, » Washington Post, April 10, 1989.

3 for « end of the story, » Fukuyama see The National Interest, summer, 1989 and Henry Allen, « the end. »  » Or is it? « , Washington Post, September 27, 1989.

4. Washington Post, December 8, 1988

5. Washington Post, April 17, 1989

6 see Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, « Another Test of loyalty and standards », Washington Post, April 26, 1989 and overseas « booty for GOP Loyalists, » Washington Post, September 22, 1989; and Ann Devroy, « Bush’s appointment of ambassadors in limbo », Washington Post, September 12, 1989.

7. « off footed: Gray takes Baker, » Newsweek, . 10 April 1989.

8  » land-based activities of Bush, » Washington Post, November 18, 1988.

9 see the transcript of the statement by Bush and the Press Conference, Washington Post, February 7, 1989; ‘With signs and ceremony, S & L bailout begins’, Washington Post, August 10, 1989; and « Bush: S & l may need more aid, » Washington Post, December 12, 1989.

10. « bush supports increase in IMF funds, » Washington Post, November 23, 1989.

11. « the President defends the rhythm of Administration, » Washington Post, March 8, 1989.

12 see House Democratic Study Group, special report No. 101-45, « the legislation vetoed by the President, » p. 83.

13. Washington Post, April 29, 1990, p. F1.

14 John M. Barry, the Ambition and the power, (New York: Viking Press, 1989), pp. 621-622.

15 Barry, Ambition and power, p. 642.

16. « bush: the President secret, » Newsweek, January 1, 1990.

17. « transcript of a press conference by President Bush, » Washington Post, June 9, 1989.  »

18 press conference Bush, Washington Post, December 22, 1989.

19. « Manuevering mark eve of the »education Summit » », Washington Post, September 27, 1989.

20 Kevin Phillips, « George Bush and the Congress – brain-dead Politics of 89, » Washington Post, October 1, 1989.  »

21. time, October 23, 1989.

22. « bush attacks critical response to the coup d’etat, » Washington Post, October 14, 1989.

23. Congressional Record, 58th Congress, 3rd session, p. 19.

24. see « police state and global policeman: the United States under the Thornburgh Doctrine, » American Leviathan pp. 61-102.

25 Kenneth J. Jones, the enemy within, (Cali, Colombia: Carvajal, 1990), p. 22.

26 Frederick Kempe, « Noriega files », Newsweek, January 15, 1990.

27 Kempe, « Noriega files », p. 19.

28 Frank a. Rubino Esq. and Jon A. May, Esq., Classified Information procedures Act presentation in United States of America against the general manuel A. Noriega, United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, case No. 89-79-CR-HOEVELER, 18 March 1991, hereinafter referred to as Noriega CIPA uttering.

29. « Bush of Noriega returned to the payroll, said Turner, »Washington Post, October 1, 1988.

30 Mike Blair, ‘Mossad Silent Partner,’ spotlight, 13 May 1991.

31 proffer Noriega CIPA, p. 82.

32 Kempe, « Noriega files », p. 23.

33 proffer Noriega CIPA, p. 52.

34 proffer Noriega CIPA, pp. 54-55.

35. « the relationship of Bush-Noriega, » Newsweek, January 15, 1990, pp. 16-17, including the photo of the meeting Bush-Noriega.  »

36. « Panama: atrocities committed by the ‘Big Stick’, » in American Leviathan: Administrative fascism under the Bush regime, (Wiesbaden: EIR News Service, 1990), pp. 39-40.

37. for testimony of Gregg on relations Bush-Noriega, see « testimony on Bush meets with Panama Ambassador, » New York Times, May 21, 1988.

38. «  »Bush help invokes executive privilege, »Washington Post, May 20, 1988. »

39. American Leviathan pp. 41-42.

40. « frontman aid is supposed to have advised Noriega, » Washington Post, January 22, 1989.

41. « Bush Presses to interrupt their talks with Noriega, » Washington Post, may 20, 1988.  »

42 Bob Woodward, commanders, (New York: Simon and Shuster, 1991), p. 89.

43 see « Fact sheet on the American Invasion of the Panama, » U.S., Leviathan p. 46.

44. the commanders, p. 161.

45. the text of the speech by President Bush, Washington Post, December 21, 1989.

46. the text of the Bush Press Conference, wash

George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin

Chapter – XXIII- The end of the story

Ist der Staat als die Wirklichkeit substantiellen Willens, die er in dem zu seiner Allgemeinheit erhobenen besonderen Selbstbewusstseyn Hat das an und für sich Vernuenftige. Diese substantial Einheit klassischen unbewegter Selbstzweck ist, in welchem die Freiheit zu ihrem hoechsten Recht kommt, so wie dieser Endzweck das hoechste Recht gegen die Einzelnen hat, deren hoechste Pflicht es ist, Mitglieder des Staats zu seyn.

G.W.F. Hegel, Grundlinien der philosophy des Rechts.

The inaugural address of George Bush’s January 21, 1989, was overall a highly clear and forgettable speech. The speech was largely a rehash of tired of Bush campaign demagoguery, with the ritual words « thousand points of light » and the hollow who are committed when it came to the flood of drugs that had allegedly beats Bush during most of the Decade, « this scourge stops. » Bush spoke about «managers» being transmitted from one generation to the other. There’s almost nothing on the State of the U.S. economy. Bush was concerned about the ‘Division’ of the Viet Nam era and that it is committed to finding favour a return to bipartisan consensus between the President and the Congress, since « the limitation period has been reached. It’s a fact: the last lesson of the Viet Nam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory. « There is good reason to believe that Bush was already considering the new round of foreign military adventures that were not expected. »

One thing is certain: Bush’s speech contains no promise to keep the peace of the sort that had appeared in his acceptance speech in New Orleans in August.

The characteristic note of Bush’s remarks came at the outset in the passages where he celebrated the triumph of the American variant of the bureaucratic authoritarian police state, based on wear and tear, who chooses to describe himself as ‘ « freedom: ».

We know what works: freedom works. We know what is right: freedom is good. We know how to secure a more just and more prosperous life for humans on Earth – through free markets, freedom of expression, free elections, and the exercise of free will unhampered by the State.

For the first time in this century, for the first time perhaps in history, the man doesn’t have to invent a system allowing to live. We must talk until late into the night on what form of Government is better. We should not tear the justice of Kings. We need only to convene in ourselves. We must act on what we know. [note 1]

After the inauguration at the Capitol ceremonies, George and Barbara Bush is down Pennsylvania Avenue toward the White House in a triumphant progress, get out of their limousine each block or two to walk among the crowds and enjoy the ovations. George Bush, imperial administrator and bureaucrat, has now reached the peak of his career, the last station of cursus honorum: the judiciary Chief. Bush now assumes the direction of a bureaucracy of Washington which focused more and more on itself and its own aspirations, convinced of his own omnipotence and infallibility, his own destiny manifest for world domination. It is a moment exhilarating, stuff of megalomaniac delusions.

Imperial Washington now knew the growing symptoms of the collapse of the Soviet Empire. The feared opponent of the four decades of the cold war collapsed. Germany and the Japan were great economic powers, but they are led by a generation of politicians who had been well schooled in the necessity of following orders of Anglo-Saxon. The France had abandoned its traditional Gaullist policy of independence and sovereignty and had returned to the conformism of the former Fourth Republic under Masonic brother of Bush François Mitterrand. Opposition to imperial Washington designs could still come large States of the sector development, India, the Brazil, Iraq and Malasia, but Imperial administrators, puffed up with their xenophobic for the former colonial contempt, were convinced that these States could not easily defeated, and that the third world would succumb meekly to the installation of regimes puppets Anglo-American in the way that the Philippines and had so many Latin American countries in the 1980s.

Bush could also survey on the Homefront with complacency complacency. He had won an election of the Congress in his riding of designer in Houston, but in 1964 and 1970, the majorities at the polls had proven elusive Thrasher. Now, for only the second time in his life, he had resolved the problem of winning a disputed election, and this time, it was the big one. Bush had a time filled with his greatest ambition and solved his most persistent problem, than to get himself elected to public office. He had dealt successfully with the thorny issue of governance in the domestic sphere, foiling the Jinx that had poisoned all sitting Vice Presidents who seek to move upwards after the success of Martin Van Buren in 1836.

Bush has assembled a team of fellow Malthusian bureaucrats and administrators among the officials who had with Republican administrations, dating back to 1969, the year that Nixon chose Kissinger for the National Security Council. People like Scowcroft, Baker, Carla Hills, and Bush himself had, with few exceptions, been in or around the Confederation and especially executive power for almost two decades, with only brief interruption of Jimmy Carter let them line their pockets in the private sector influence peddling. The cabinet of Bush and staff was convinced, it boasted the most powerful battery of curriculum vitae, the most complete experience, most impeccable references, any management team in the history of the world. All major policy issues had been resolved under Nixon, Ford and Reagan; the geopolitical situation was brought under control; all that remained was to consolidate and develop the entire administration of the world according to policies and procedures already established, while delivering a massive consensus by the same methods that had been just unbeatable in the presidential campaign. The Bush team was convinced of his own superiority inherent to the Mandarin Chinese, the Roman and Byzantine, Ottoman, the Austrian, Prussian, the Soviet and all other authoritarian regimes bureaucracy that had ever existed on the planet. Only the British East India Company was still in the same League, thought as the theorists of the wear of the Bush team. (Pride goeth before a fall, never. Late 1991, this same team has acquired the reputation of a gaggle of bumbling buffoons.)

These triumphant bureaucrats and, above all, George Bush himself were not kindly disposed to old Ronald Reagan, including the shadow that they had worked for so long. How many of them had been consumed with rage when plum posts had been given to the buddies reached Reagan-money fast in California! How they had cursed Reagan for sentimental child’s play when it made concessions to Gorbachov! Bureaucrats should not participate in Reagan drooling on Gorbachov, at least not immediately. they were there to drive a hard bargain, to ensure that the Soviet Union collapsed. They had accepted Reagan as a useful façade, an act of vaudeville harmless to keep the great unwashed masses amused, while the bureaucrats made their machinations. But the bureaucrats had a wild temperament, and they never appreciated the bumbling antics of any favorite uncles. If scripted Reagan had seemed an evil necessary as until it became indispensable to obtain the election victories and mass consensus, how intolerable, it seems now that it had been proved useless, now this imperial official, George Bush had won the election in his own right, without bobbing histrionics of Reagan!

Reagan-bashing has become one of the passions in the power of the new patrician regime. It was a question of Realpolitik that go beyond the simple words: it is the demolition of all machinery remaining Reagan policy, afraid that it provide a springboard for a political challenge to the plutocracy of little Lord Fauntleroy. The campaign was so intense that it prompted a letter from Richard Nixon to John Sununu complain an account of journal of aid at the White House speaking on background to depict Reagan as a dunce, far less than his successor. Nixon urged that « who was at the origin of this story should be fired as an example to others who might be tempted to play the same kind of game.  » Nixon denounced « anonymous staffers who believe that the way to build him [Bush] is to shoot the Reagan.» Sununu hastily telephoned Dick Tricky to reassure him there was also found the denigration of « absolutely intolerable » Reagan, but the sacking of the old Reagan only accelerated machine. An assistant to Bush boasted that the new President has been « in the business of governing, » then that poor old Reagan had been an accessory for photo shoots. [fn 2]

Of course, Imperial officials of the Bush team had chosen to ignore certain facts, especially the demonstrable bankruptcy and insolvency of their main financial institutions, credit and the Government. Their production of the command and if the capacity to act upon the material world was in decline. How long the U.S. population would remain in its state of passivity stunned face the deterioration of living conditions that were now falling faster than during the last twenty years? And now, the speculative orgy of the 1980s would have to pay for. Even their advantage over the Soviet Empire ruin was eventually only marginal and temporary, mainly due to a faster pace of the collapse of the Soviet side; but the day of reckoning for the Anglo-American forces would be coming, too.

It was the triumphalism that permeated the weeks of the opening of the Bush administration. Bush gave several press conferences during the transition period given by Reagan during the major part of his second term; It enamoured in the accoutrements of his new office and gave the press White House all photo shoots and interviews, they wanted their butter upwards and bring them in his pocket.

These foolish delusions of grandeur were properly planned in terms of the philosophy of history by an official of the Bush Administration, Francis Fukuyama, the Deputy Director of the State Department policy planning staff, the old hangout of Harrimanites like Paul Nitze and George Kennan. In the winter of 1989, during the first 100 days of Bush in office, Fukuyama gave a lecture at the Olin Foundation, which then was published in The National Interestquarterly under the title of « The end of history? » Imperial administrator Fukuyama had studied under the reactionary elitist Allan Bloom and was familiar with the French neo-enlightenment semiotic (or semi-idiot) School of Derrida, Foucault and Roland Barthes, whose the zero degree of writing Fukuyama may have tried to achieve. Above all, Fukayama was a follower of Hegel in the interpretation of post-war French neo-Hegelian Alexandre Kojève.

Fukuyama is regarded as the official of the Bush regime ideologue. Its starting point is ‘unabashed victory of economic and social liberalism,’ which means that the economic system and policy to reach maturity under Bush – that the State Department generally called ‘democracy ‘. « The triumph of the West, the Western idea, is evident first in the total exhaustion of the systematic viable alternatives to Western liberalism, » Fukuyama wrote. « The triumph of the Western political idea is done. His rivals have been routed… Political theory, at least the party concerned to define the good polity, is completed, « Fukuyama has opined. »»  » The Western idea of governance has prevailed. «  » What we may be witnessing is not only the end of the cold war, or the passing of a particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of humanity’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human Government.  » Fukayama, communism as an alternative system had bee completely discredited in the Soviet Union, China and other communist countries. Since there is no other visible models for the law in the future, it concludes that the modern American State is the « form final, rational society and the State ». Of course, there are large regions of the world where Governments and forms of society which differ radically from the Western model of Fukuyama prevail, but it meets this objection in explaining that backwards, even historic districts of the world exist and will continue to exist for some time. It’s just that they will never be able to submit their forms to the company as a credible model or an alternative to ‘liberalism ‘. Since Fukuyama probably knew something of what was in the pipeline of the Bush administration, he carefully kept the door open to new wars and military conflicts, in particular among the historical States, or between the historical and the histories of the powers. Panama and Iraq, according to the typology of Fukayam, would fall into the ‘history’ category.

Thus, in the opinion of the Bush at first, the planet would come over dominated by « Universal homogeneous State, » a mixture of « liberal democracy in politics combined with easy access to VCRs and stereos in the economic.  » The arid banality of this definition is accompanied by of Fukuyama bedazzled homage to ‘the spectacular abundance of advanced liberal economies and culture of diverse consumption infintely.’ Fukuyama, it turns out, is a resident of the enclave for Imperial officials who is Northeastern Virginia and has so few understand the scope of us domestic poverty and impoverishment: « this is not to say that there are no rich people and poor people in the United States, or that the gap between them has not increased in recent years. But the root causes of economic inequality have less to do with legal and social memories underlying our society, which remain basically egalitarian and moderately regulatory, as with the cultural and social characteristics of groups that compose it, which in turn are the historical legacy of the pre-modern conditions. Therefore black poverty in the United States, for example, is not the inherent product of liberalism, but is rather the « legacy of slavery and racism » which has persisted long after the slavery of fo formal abolition. » For Fukuyama, written at a time when the American class divisions were more pronounced than at any time in human memory, « egalitarianism of modern America represents the essential achievement of society without classes envisoned. » by Marx As a purveyor of the official doctrine of the Bush regime, Fukuyama is bound to ignore 20 years of growth of poverty and the decline in the standard of living for all Americans, which caused an even greater regression for the black population; There is no way that this can be registered to the heritage of slavery.

It is not far from the end of the Bush story is later slogans of the new world order and the Imperial Pax Universalis. It is ironic but lawful that Bush should have chosen a neo-Hegelian as apologist for his regime. Hegel was the arch-obscurantist, philosophical dictator and saboteur of the natural sciences; He was the ideologue of the Holy Alliance of Metternich of police States system in the oligarchic restoration post-1815 in Europe imposed by the Congress of Vienna. When talking about Metternich we both made old Bush Kissinger in-game boss, given that Metternich is well known as his ideal of the ego. Hegel deified machine of the authoritarian bureaucratic State which he belonged as the final incarnation of rationality in human affairs, beyond which it was impossible to go. Hegel said intellectuals to reconcile with the world, they found around them and pronounced philosophy unable to produce ideas for the reform of the world. As Hegel says in his famous preface to the philosophy of law: « Wenn die philosophy ihr in Grau Grau mahlt, dann ist eine Gestalt des Lebens alt geworden, und mit Grau in Grau laesst sich nicht verjuengen, sondern nur sie erkennen; » Die Eule der Minerva erst beginnt mit der einbrechenden Daemmerung ihren Flug. » References to Hegel’s Minerva OWL have been a staple of gossip of coktail-party of Washington during the Bush years. As Fukuyama said: « the end of history will be a very sad moment… There will be neither art nor philosophy, just the perpetual caretaking of the Museum of human history… Perhaps this same perspective of centuries of boredom at the end of the story will be used to get started again the story. « [fn 3]

The Bush regime has therefore taken shape as a stewardship authoritarian and bureaucratic of the financial interests of Wall Street and the City of London. Many saw in the Bush team the financial patrician of the Rockefeller Administration, which has never been. Social groups were to purge was limited so loudly that the Bush administration often resembled a Government which had itself separated totally from the underlying company and had formed to govern in the interests of the bureaucracy itself. Bush being irrevocably committed to advancing policies that had been strengthened and systematized during the previous eight years, the regime has become more rigid and inflexible. Active opposition, or even the dislocations caused by the policies of the administration are therefore processed by the repressive ways of the police state. The Bush regime could not govern, but it could put in charge, and the Committee to discredit was ready to vilify aways. Some spoke of observers of a new form of bonapartism sui generis, but the more accurate description for the combination of Bush was « administrative » fascism.

Bush Cabinet reflected multiple sets of criteria optimization.

The best way to achieve a high position in the cabinet was to belong to a family that had been allied with the Bush-Walker clan on a period at least half a century and serving as an officer or a fund-raiser for the Bush campaign. This applies to the Secretary of State James Baker III, Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas Brady, under-Secretary for Commerce Robert Mosbacher and Bush White House lawyer and Adviser political upper, C. Boyden Gray.

A second Royal route to high office should be an agent of Kissinger Associates, the updated international consulting firm up by the pattern of life of Bush, Henry Kissinger. In this category we find general Brent Scowcroft, the former head of the Washington Kiss Ass office and Lawrence Eagleburger, the dissipated wreck who was appointed to the position of number two in the Department of State, Undersecretary of State. Eagleburger was president of Kissinger Associates. The list of Ambassadors (or proconsul) was also rife with pedigrees Kissingerian: a prominent was John Negroponte, Ambassador of Bush to the Mexico.

Overlap with this last group was veteran’s Administration Ford 1974-77, one of the Masonic most in the recent history of the United States. Board of Directors of the national security Brent Scowcroft, for example, simply returned to the job he held under Ford’s Kissinger alter ego inside the White House. Dick Cheney, who became Secretary of defense, had been Chief of Ford White House. Cheney had been Deputy Executive through the Office of Economic Opportunity to the Director by Nixon in 1969. In 1971, he joined the staff of Nixon White House as Assistant to Don Rumsfeld. From 1971 to 1973, Cheney was in the cost of living Council, working as an enforcer for the infamous Nixon ‘economic stabilization program’ Phase II wage freeze The charming hills of Carla, who has become Bush’s trade representative, had been Secretary at the housing and urban development of Ford. William Seidman and James Baker (and federal reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan, a vestige of Reagan who was the Chairman of Council of Economic Advisers of the Ford) was also in the picture under Jerry Ford.

Bush also extended largesse to those who had helped him in the election campaign comes from is completed. At the top of this list was Governor John Sununu of New Hampshire, who would have qualified as the Nostradamus of modern for his accurate prediction of 9% margin of Bush’s victory by Dole in the New Hampshire primary – unless he had helped organize it with electoral fraud.

Another way to take a plum high in the Bush regime was to have participated in the concealment of the Iran-contra scandal. The main role in this coverup had assumed by the commission’s own Blue Ribbon of Reagan’s notables, Council of the Tower, who conducted the internal review of the White House of what would have been had gone wrong and had concealed Don Regan for a series of misdeeds that belonged to the doors of George Bush. The members of this Council were former Senator John Tower of Texas, general Brent Scowcroft and former Senator Edmund Muskie, who had been Secretary of State for Carter after the resignation of Cyrus Vance. Scowcroft, who comes under many titles, has been installed at the NSC. The initial candidate of Bush to the Secretary of defense was John Tower, who was the point man of the concealment of 1986-87 the Iran-Contra for months before the committees responsible for the investigation of the Congress formally got in the Act. Appointment of the tower was rejected by the Senate after being accused of being drunk and promiscuity by Paul Weyrich, an activist of Buckleyite and others. Some observers thought that the candidacy of the tower had been deliberately torpedoed by the discrediting of clean to avoid Bush Committee the presence of a senior official of the firm with the ability to blackmail Bush threatened to shoot them at any time. Perhaps the tour had overestimated his hand. In all cases, Dick Cheney, a member of Congress from Wyoming with community connections of high intelligence, was quickly appointed and confirmed after the tower had been shot down, prompting speculation that Cheney was what Bush wanted really all the time.

Another veteran of the Iran-contra online to get a reward was former national security adviser to Bush, Don Gregg, who had served Bush since at least the time of the 1976 Koreagate scandal. Gregg, as we have seen, was more than willing to commit the more awkward and blatant perjury in order to save his boss from wolves. The pathetic tragedy of confirmation hearings by the Senate of Gregg, who scored a real degradation for that body, has already told. Later, when William Webster retired as Director of the CIA, there were persistent rumors that hyperthyroidism Bush had originally demanded that Don Gregg be named to take his place. According to these reports, needed all the energy managers of Bush to convince the President that Gregg was too dirty to pass confirmation; Bush relented, but then announced to colleagues appalled and exhausted that his choice of second and non-negotiable for Langley was Robert Gates, the former Deputy Director of CIA who worked as Scowcroft number two at the National Security Council. The problem was that Gates, who had already abandoned the a previous battle of confirmation for the position of Director of the CIA, was any compromise as completely as Don Gregg. But at this point, Bush could not be moved a second time, then the doors name was sent to the Senate, bringing the whole Iran-Contra in full public view once more. It has proved that, Bush in the Senate Democrats proved to be more than willing to approve doors.

Always on the Iran-contra list was Gen. Colin Powell, whom Bush named as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. After Admiral John Poindexter and Oliver North had left the old Executive Office building in November 1986, Reagan had appointed Frank Carlucci to head the NSC. Carlucci had brought along general Powell. With Colin Powell as his Deputy, Carlucci has cleaned the stables of Augeias du OEOB-NSC complex so as to minimize damage to Bush. Powell was also a protégé of very Anglophile Caspar Weinberger, and Carlucci, a man with close links to operation of democracy and the Sears, Roebuck interests.

The State Department, also had his brigade of the Iran-Contra cover-up. Pickering, chosen by Bush to resume his former post as Ambassador of the United States to the United Nations, a job with Cabinet rank has arrived. When Pickering was United States Ambassador to El Salvador during the period 1984-85, he helped to organize the shipping more than $1 million of military equipment to the contras at the time where it was prohibited by U.S. law, according to his own testimony before committees of the Congress the Iran-contra investigation. Pickering reported none of its shares for the State Department, but rather kept in close contact with the retinue of Don Gregg, Felix Rodriguez and Oliver North of Bush. Pickering, when he was Ambassador to Israel in 1985-86, was also on the Israeli third-country arms shipments to Iran that were supposed to ensure the release of some hostages inmates to neighboring Lebanon. [fn 4] This vulgar filibusterer, arms trafficking is now the arrogant spokesman Bush’s new world order among the five permanent members of the Security Council of the United Nations, where he dispensed imperial threats and platitudes.

Always on the Iran-contra, concealment honours list that we find Reginald Bartholomew, choice of Bush as Undersecretary of State for Security Affairs, science and technology. Bartholomew was the United States Ambassador in Beirut in September and November 1985, when an Israeli shipment of 508 missles of anti-tank TOW manufactured in the United States was followed by the release of reverend Benjamin Weir, an American hostage held by the pro-Iranian Islamic Jihad. According to the testimony of then Secretary of State George Shultz at the tour Office, Bartholomew was working closely with Oliver North on a model using Delta Force commandos to free the hostages not spontaneously released by Islamic Jihad. According to Shultz, Bartholomew told him on 4 September 1985 that « North ran an operation which would lead to the release of all hostages of seven ». [fn 5]

Other appointments of choice went to members of longtime Bush network. It was Manuel Lujan, who was tapped for the Ministry of the Interior, and former Rep. Ed Derwinski, who received the Veterans’ Administration, soon to be upgraded to a cabinet post. A figure of first year of Bush in Office was William Reilly, tapped to be administrator of the environmental agency’s cabler, the Green police of the regime. Reilly had been closely associated by the oligarchic financial Russell Train the American branch of the World Wildlife Fund of Prince Phillip and the Conservation Foundation.

Both of top ministerial posts were thus allocated function direct personal services rendered to George Bush, that the principle of collegiality of oligarchic system would seem to have been overlooked. There were relatively few key messages remaining for distribution to the financial political factions that could reasonably be expected to be brought on board by given place at the cabinet table. Richard Thornburgh, a creature of interests Mellon who had received his employment under Reagan, was allowed to stay, but this has led to a constant guerrilla between Thornburgh and Baker with the obvious problem being the succession from 1996 to Bush. Clayton Yeutter went to the Ministry of agriculture, because it was that wanted the international cartel of grain. The choice of Jack Kemp, the presidential 1988 with a loyal conservative and populist candidate, for housing and urban development appeared most inspired by the will of Bush to prevent a challenge to emerge on the right in the primaries, GOP of 1992 by the need to respond to an identifiable financial faction. The tapping of Secretary of education William Bennett, principal ideologue of the perspective and right wing of Reagan Presidential possible, be the drug czar, is another example of the same thought. The selection of Elizabeth Hanford Dole to be Secretary at work was dictated by considerations of intra-GOP similar, namely the need to appease the angry leader of the Republican minority, Sen. Bob Dole of Kansas, beloved of Dwayne Andreas of Archer-Daniels-Midland and the rest of the grain agreement.

Later reworking of the Bush cabinet is consistent with the needs for an inherently low candidate re-elected, in particular by accentuating the southern strategy: when Lauro Cavazo left the Ministry of education, it was replaced by the former Governor of Tennessee Lamar Alexander. When Bennett had to be replaced as drug, wink of eye Czar went to another Republican southern Governor, Bob Martinez of Florida. All this was to build the South base for 1992. When Thornburgh quit the post of attorney general to run for the Senate in Pennsylvania, in the vain hope to position themselves for 1996, Bush tapped former Thornburgh number two to Justice, William P. Barr, who had been an agent of the CIA, when Bush was the Director of the CIA in 1976, to the key post of the State police.

But overall, this cabinet has been strongly an immediate reflection of the personal network and the interests of George Bush and not representative of the main financial factions that control the United States. Here we see once more the very strong feeling of national Government as personal property for a private operation that was evident in the pricing strategy 1986 Bush oil, and soon which will characterize his choreography of the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. This approach to the appointments of the cabinet could give rise to surprising weakness by the Bush regime, the factions of the main financial becomes unhappy in the wake of the Bank and panic of currency to which Bush’s policies guide the country.

The operation shamelessly of Bush’s political appointees and the uses of plum for flagrant personal advantage became a national scandal when he began to attribute some positions of ambassadors. It has become clear that these jobs represent the United States abroad had been practically sold at auction, with the most flagrant for skills and ability, in Exchange for cash contributions to the Bush campaign and the Republican party coffers. These appointments have been made by a pollster Bob Teeter GOP transition team, help campaign of Bush, Craig Fuller, who had lost on its bid for White House Chief of staff, campaign Press Secretary Sheila Tate and a member of staff at long date Bush Chase Untermeyer with the approval of Bush. Calvin Howard Wilkins Jr., who gave more than $178 000 to the GOP in recent years, including $92 000 to Kansas Republican National Committee state election on 6 September 1988, has become the new Ambassador to the Netherlands. Penne Percy Korth was selection of Bush Ambassador Maurice; Ms. Korth was a GOP fissure fundraiser. Della M. Newman, operated for the New Zealand was chiarman of Bush campaign in Washington State. Joy Silverman, choice of Bush for Barbados, contributed $180 000. Joseph B. Gilderhorn, destined for the Switzerland, had coughed up $200 000. Fred Bush, allegedly not a parent, but certainly a former assistant and chief fundraiser, was original new president pick for the Luxembourg. Joseph Zappala, who gave $100 000, was set up for Madrid Embassy. Melvin look, another Member of the team of 100, was tapped for the Australia. Fred Zeder, a buddy of Bush, who had previously been the Ambassador to Micronesia, was nominated for the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, despite the Congress of corruption probe [fn 6]

As with any group of predatory oligarchs, the Bush’s cabinet has been subject to outbreaks of intestinal war between factions among various competing cliques. During the first days of the new administration, Bush boy grey White House adviser was hit by reports that, despite its high government positions in recent years, it had retained a lucrative position as Chairman of the Board of his family communications company, raising clear issues of conflict of interest. Gray then leave his Chairman post and following example of own Bush, put his stock in a trust. Gray then lashed out against Baker in escape the fact that Baker, during all its years under the White House Chief of cabinet and Secretary of the Treasury, had kept the vast holdings of Chemical Banking Corp., a credit institution which had a direct interest in the handling of the Baker of negotiations with debtor countries third world debt as part of the infamous and did not « Baker Plan » for the maintenance of international debt service. Grey boy also retaliation Baker by questioning the constitutionality of an agreement negotiated by Baker with the Congress for aid to the contras Nicaraguan, a matter that Newsweek classified as « foreign policy success only Bush » during its first two months in office. [fn 7] Bush had tried to burnish its image by promising that his new regime would break with the years sleazy Reagan by promoting new standards of ethical behaviour in which even the perception of corruption and conflict of interest would be averted. These empty promises have quickly deflated by the reality of the graft more and more hypocrisy than under Reagan.

First 100 days of Bush in office fulfilled the prophecy of Fukuyama that the end of the story would be « a very sad moment. » If «  »after the story »meant that very little has been accomplished, Bush has filled the Bill. » Three weeks after his inauguration, Bush addressed a joint session of the Congress on changes that it proposed in the latest Reagan budget. The litany was hollow and predictable: Bush wanted to be the education President, but was ready to spend money $ 1 billion less than nine in order to do so. He has frozen the military budget of the United States and announced a revision of the previous policy toward the Soviet Union. This last point means that Bush wanted to wait to see how fast the Soviets would collapse in fact before even that it would discuss trade normalization, which was the point of view tended to Moscow by Reagan and others. Bush said that wanting to join with Bennett drug czar in « leading the charge » in the war on drugs.

Bush also wanted to be the President of environment. It was a much more serious suction. Shortly after the election, Bush had attended the gala dinner Centennial award of the National Geographic Society very oligarchic, for many years a personal fief of the Grosvenor family feudal of mind. Bush has promised to the public tonight there that there was « a problem my administration will address, and I don’t mean the environment. » Bush said that he had coordinated its plans with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and that it had agreed with him on the need for « international cooperation » on environmental issues. « We support you, » intoned Gilbert Grosvenor, graduate researcher from Yale… Planet Earth is threatened. « Among those who are here during this gala evening was Sir Edmund Hillary, who had planted the Union Jack at the top of Mount Everest. [fn 8]

In order to be President of environment, Bush was ready to propose a disastrous Clean Air Act that would drain the economy of hundreds of billions of dollars over the years on behalf of the fight against acid rain. The first 100 days of Bush has coincided with the significant phenomenon of the « greening » of Margaret Thatcher, who had previously denounced as « internal enemy » environmentalists, and left some companions of the British Labour Party and the Loonie. Ideologist of residents of Thatcher, Nicholas Ridley, spoke about the green movement in Britain as « Pseudo-marxistes. » But in the early months of 1989, would have been under the direction of Sir Crispin Tickell, the British Ambassador to the UN, Thatcher embraced orthodoxy as the erosion of the ozone layer, the effect of greenhouse and acid rain – each one a pseudoscientific hoax – were indeed at the top of the list of urgencies of the human species. Acceptance of green orthodoxy Thatcher allowed the rapid implementation of a total environmentalist-Malthusian consensus in the European Community, the Group of 7 and others key international.

Characteristically, Bush followed suit of Thatcher, as he would do on so many other issues. During the hundred days, Bush claimed the removal of all chlorofluorocarbons (CFCS), at the end of the century, thus accepting the position taken by the European Community following turning green of Mrs Thatcher. Bush told the National Academy of Sciences that new « scientific progress » had identified a threat to the ozone layer; Bush has insisted on the need to « reduce CFCS which deplete our precious upper atmospheric resources. » A treaty was signed in Montreal in 1987 that called for cutting of CFC production per a semester within a period of ten years. « But recent studies indicate that this reduction of 50 per cent is perhaps not enough, » Bush said now. Senator Al Gore of Tennessee seeks a complete elimination of CFCS within five years. Here a model has emerged which was to be repeated frequently during the years Bush: Bush would radical concessions to environmentalist Luddites, but would then be denounced by them for the measures which have been insufficiently radical. This would be the case when Clean Air the Bush Bill through Congress this summer 1990.

After the appearance of Bush before Congress with his revised budget, the new regime has exploited honeymoon to seal a love contract with the rubber-stamp the Democrats in Congress, that in no case could be confused with an opposition. De facto State part was beautiful and well, personified by fearful Senator George Mitchell of Maine, head of the majority of Democrats. Collusion between Bush and democratic leaders questioned new round of tricks in order to achieve the objectives of defecit under the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act. It was to mobilize more than $100 billion of surpluses of social security, highway and other trust funds that had not been counted previously. Democrats also went with a package of $28 billion of sales of assets, financing tips and unspecified new revenue. They have also bought pink economic forecasts of Bush’s economic growth and the decline in the rate. Mitchell’s majority Leader of the Senate, accepting that his pathetic endorse the role, said only that « many sterner measures will be required in the future. » Given that the Democrats were unable to propose an economic stimulus package to deal with the depression, they were condemned to give Bush what he wanted. This particular scam could work against all the persons concerned, but not before the spectacular budget debacle of October 1990.

In the spring of 1990, according to Sid Taylor of the national taxpayers Union estimates, total contingent liabilities of the federal Government has exceeded US $14000 billion. At that time the national debt was $2.8 billion, but this estimate included the commitments of federal savings and loan insurance corporation, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, the guarantee of Pension benefits and other agencies Corporation.

Inability of Bush to pull his regime together for a serious round of domestic austerity was not appreciated by the crowd at the Bank for international settlements in Geneva. London of Evelyn Rothschild Economist summed up the international bank advice of George delay on this score with its title, «Bush Bumbles.»

A few weeks into the new administration, it was the collapse of the FSLIC, carefully ignored by the decreasing Reagan Administration, which reached critical mass. On February 6, 1989, Bush announced the measures that his image Sowers billed as more radical piece and the most important financial legislation since the creation of the Federal Reserve Board on the eve of the first world war. It was the rescue plan for savings and loan, a new orgy in the monetization of debt and a giant step towards the consolidation of a neo-fascist corporatist State.

At the heart of Bush’s policy has been its refusal to recognize the existence of an economic crisis of collossal proportions which had among its symptoms the collection of the real estate market collapse after the stock market crash of October 1987. The sequence of a stock market panic, followed closely by real estate and banking crisis has followed the sequence of the great depression of the 1930s. But Bush has violently rejected the existence of such a crisis and was grimly determined to push with more of the same. This meant that the federal Government would simply take control of bank savings, the overwhelming majority of which have gone bankrupt or imminent bankruptcy. The savings would then sold off the coast. Depositors could get their money back, but the result would be the total debasement of the currency and a deep depression all around. In the process, the U.S. federal Government would become one of the main owners of immovable property, buildings and high bond risk without value that had been coming by friend of Bush Henry Kravis and his associate Michael Millken during the heady days of the boom.

The federal Government should create a new world of a bond to pay for the savings that would be seized. When Bush announced his rescue plan until February, he said that $40 billion had been disbursed in the abyss of S & L, and that he had proposed to issue an additional $50 billion in new bonds through a corporation, a subsidiary of the new Resolution Trust Corporation funding. In August 1989, when the Bush legislation was adopted, the estimated cost of bailout of S & L reached $164 billion over a period of ten years, with $20 billion of which was to be spent by the end of September 1989.

In the coming months, Bush has been forced to increase its budget once more. « It’s a whale of a mess, and we’ll see where we are going, » Bush told a group of columnists of the newspaper to the White House in mid-December. « We had this refinancing. » I am told that it is maybe not enough. « By this time, academic experts suggested that the rescue plan could exceed $164 billion of administration, $100 billion more. Each new estimate was quickly exceeded by the horrible spectacle of a housing market in free fall, with no bottom in sight. The growing awareness of situation theis, compounded by bankruptcy under the commercial banking system, would lead to a crisis very ugly public relations for the Bush regime, around the role of the President’s son (and old friend of Scott Hinckley), in July 1990, Neil Bush in bankruptcy of Silverado savings and loan of Denver, Colorado. As we shall see, one of the obvious reasons for the enthusiastic choice of Bush’s war in the Persian Gulf was the need to get off the front page of Neil Bush. But even the Gulf war have bought no respite in the real estate market collapse and bankruptcy of the savings banks chain reaction: Summer 1991, federal regulators have been striking dry at the rate of a little less each day and estimates of the total bailout price tag were skyrocketed to more $500 billion with any certainty that this figure could also be exceeded. [fn 9]

The carnage among the S & l did not prevent Bush requested an increase of the US contribution to the International Monetary Fund Chief agency of global austerity which boasts more than 50 million lives each year as the unnecessary victims of its Malthusian conditionalities. Members of the IMF have debated an increase of funds, each Member must pay in the IMF (which has already been bankrupt for years as a matter of reality), with managing director Michel Camdessus offers a 100% increase and Britain and Saudi Arabia arguing for a smaller 25% hike. Bush has tried to mediate and resolve the dispute with a proposal for an increase of 35%, equal to an additional payment of $8 billion by the United States. This amount was equivalent to more than three times the annual expenditure for the success, but tragically under-funded, women infants and children (WIC) program of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which has tried to provide a dietary supplement rich in protein and balanced for mothers and their offspring. WIC suffered cuts, wild in the first year of the plan Bush, causing many women in need who sought its advantages to be turned away and refused even the modest amounts of surplus cheese, powdered milk, and juice of orange as the program provides. [fn 10]

As the depression deepened, Bush had only one idea: reduce the rate of taxation of capital gains from 28% to 15%. It was a proposal for a direct public subsidy in the Legion of vulture Kravis, Liedtke, Pickens, Milken, Brady, Mosbacher and the rest of the Apostles of Bush’s greed. The Bushmen has estimated that a reduction of this magnitude capital gains tax would cost the Treasury about $25 billion in foregone more than 6 years, a gross underestimation. These funds have supported the Bushmen, would be then invested high-tech facilities and equipment, creating new jobs and new production. In reality, the funds would have flowed into the largest buyouts, which were still trying after the crash of the market  » junk bond  » with the fact that the buyout of United Airlines in October 1989. But Bush had no serious interest in, or even associations, the production of raw materials. Its policy now has the country to an edge of the financial panic in which 75% of the current price of all stocks, bonds, debentures, mortgages and other financial papers could be wiped out.

Not quite in the middle of his first hundred days of dismal, Bush was moved to defend the himnself against accusations that he presided over a debacle. Day 45 of the new regime, Bush told reporters that he had spoken on the phone with a certain Robert W. Blake, a tanker from Lubbock, Texas, the city where Neil Bush and John Hinckley had called home for a while at the end of the 1970s. Blake told Bush that « all the inhabitants of Lubbock think that things are going much. » Armed with this testimony, Bush defended his handling of the Presidency: ‘ is not adrift and it is no malaise, « he said, responding to writers who had suggested that the country had fallen through a time warp back to the time of Jimmy Carter. « So, I would be simply to resist the clamour that nothing seems to be bubbling autour, that nothing is happening. Much is happening. « Not all is good, but a lot that happens. » Bush described his oil friend Blake as « a very objective spokesman » and that said personally rule was never ‘get all too uptight about the stuff that has not yet reached Lubbock.’ [fn 11]

If there was a constant note in the first year of Bush in office, it was a cynical contempt displayed for the misery of the American people. During the spring of 1989, the Congress adopted a Bill which would have increased the minimum wage in interstate commerce of $3.55 per hour to $4.55 per hour by a series of increases over three years. This legislation would have even allowed a lower salary that could be paid to some newly employed workers over a period of 60 days of training. Bush vetoed the measure because the minimum wage of $4.55 per was $0.30 per hour more high he wanted, and because he asked a lower salary for all new employees for the first six months on the job, regardless of their experience or training. June 14, 1989, the House of representatives failed to override the veto, with a margin of 37 votes. (Later, Bush signed legislation to increase the minimum wage of $4.25 / hour over two years, with a salary of subminimum training applicable to adolescents and that during the first 90 days of employment of young persons, with the possibility of a second relay of wage formation of 90 days if they have switched to a different employer). [fn 12]

It was the same George Bush who had proposed $164 billion for bankrupt S & l and $8 billion for the Monetary Fund International, all without batting an eyelid.

Before Christmas 1988, and during other periods of holiday, Bush, usually joined her billionaire boyfriend William stamps amal III as lazy F Ranch near Beeville, Texas, for quails traditional festivity of the two men hunting. It was the same stamps William amal III whose grandfather, President of Standard Oil of New Jersey, had financed to Heinrich Himmler. Investment Bank of William stamps amal III in Houston, W.S. amal & Co. had managed at any given time the personal trust in which Bush had placed her personal investment portfolio. Amal was pretty rich to boast five addresses: Beeville, Texas; Closes end of Lane in the Versailles, Kentucky Bluegrass; In Florida and the other two. The hobby of amal for decades has been the creation of his own farm’s top flight for the breeding of thoroughbred horses. It was 3 000-acre lazy F Ranch, with its granges of ten horses, four sumptuous residences, 100 employees and other improvements. Over the years, Amal has saddled winners in the 1972 Preakness and the Belmont Stakes from 1987 and race 80 winners stakes for ten years. Amal, who is married to Sarah Sharp, the daughter of a Du Pont heir, had worked with Bush as an aid during the 1964 Senate campaign.

Amal was pretty rich to extend its largesse even to Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom, probably the richest person in the world. The Queen has visited farm equestrian Farrish at least four times in recent years, traveling by aircraft of the Royal Air Force at Blue Grass airport in Lexington, Kentucky, accompanied by ponds which her Majesty would like to breed with $ price of amal million standards. Amal waives magnanimous fees usual Stud for the Queen, resulting in an estimated saving of her Majesty of any $800 000. Social circle of amal is complemented by the plutocrats as Clarence Scharbauer, another Member of the horsey set, which also owns the Bank, hotel, station radio, oil wells and an estimated half of the city of Midland, Texas, the former stronghold of Bush in the Permian Basin.

Amal has been described as the equivalent of Richard Nixon plan Bush Baby Rebozo, sleazy cronyism. According to Bush, when he looks at movies, Hunt and play tennis with his old friend amal, « we are talking about issues. It is very on things, but it’s a comfortable thing, not probing beyond what I mean. « Michael York from the Washington Post wrote that »Farish said that it will always be among the biggest boosters of Bush, and it is ready at any time to make the argument for curricula vitae for Bush as the man best prepared to become president. It is also clear that Bush regularly requests advice of Farish on the budget, domestic and political policy. « With a cabal of friends and advisers such as William Stamps Farish III and Henry Kravis, we begin to understand the sources of parasitic looting of infrastructure Bush’s policies and the labour market. [fn 13]

For George Bush, the exercise of power has always been inseparable from the use of the smear, scandal and the final sanctions of the methods of the police of State against political rivals and other branches of the Government. A classic example is the Koreagate 1976 scandal, triggered by using the withholding of longtime Bush, Don Gregg. It will be recalled that Koregate included the overthrow of the democratic Chairman of the House Carl Albert of Oklahoma, who quietly retired from the House in late 1976. It was the year where Bush was returning from Beijing in Langley. Was it just a coincidence if the first year of Bush’s term in the non White House only the democratic Chairman of the House, but also the majority House Whip, have been driven from office?

The campaign against the President of the House Jim Wright was conducted by the Georgia Republican member of Congress Newt Gingrich, an ideologue « wedge issue » typical of the GOP southern strategy. During 1987-88, Gingrich had been badly Wright as the « Mussolini of the House. Gingrich campaign against Wright could never succeed without systematic support of media, which regularly trumpeted accusations and lent him a quite undeserved importance. Under the pretext of Gingrich was a report on the funding of a small book in which Wright had collected some of his old speeches, Gingrich claimed had been sold to lobbyists in such a way that it constitutes a gift not declared in violation of the rules of the House. One of the first not Gingrich when he launched an assault on Wright in 1988 was to send letters to Bush and the general Deputy Attorey William Weld, including foster care, White Weld Bank, had purchased from Uncle Herbie Walker G.H. Walker & Co. brokerage when the preferred Bush’s uncle was ready to retire. Gingrich wrote: « Can I suggest, next time when new media asks questions on the corruption in the White House, ask about the corruption in the Office of the President. » A similar letter was released since « The conservative campaign fund » to all candidates of the GOP House with the message: « we write to encourage you to do…. House Speaker Jim Wright a major issue in your campaign. « Bush is placed at the forefront of this campaign.

When Bush, in the middle of his presidential campaign, questioned by journalists on the investigation of the Attorney general of Reagan, Edwin Meese (not a friend of Bush) regarding its relationship with the Wedtech Corporation, he replied: « you’re talking about Ed Meese. How you speak to that raised common Cause against the speaker the other day? They will go to an independent legal advisor for the nation will this investigation? Why people do not scream for this? I you at this time. I think they need to. « [fn 14] Reagan followed Bush’s calling for Wright to be the object of an investigation.

According to published accounts, Wright was deeply offended by the role of Bush during the assault which was organized against him, since both share the background to be members of the Congress of Texas and had often been dealing together. At a dinner hosted by the Italian Ambassador Rinaldo Petrignani, Wright went his best to avoid the meeting Bush and did murder his wife faking illness as an excuse to leave very early. Bush at the time attended the gymnasium of the House to play racketball with his old buddy, Mississippi Democrat Sonny Montgomery. Bush attended the annual dinner of the gymnasium of the House and paths crossed CIHI with Wright.

Wright said Bush: « George, I’m feeling not gently toward you. You took a cheap shot at me. « And I just supported you. » Bush flew in anger: « when you defend me? « You damn well not defend me at your convention. » « Well, George, you don’t have any complaint about what I said, » was a replica of the Wright. « Do not attack me your integrity or your honour. » « You and I just see it differently, » Bush said as he stalked off the coast in anger. [fn 15]

Later, Wright turned to Sonny Montgomery to use his good offices to resolve the dispute with Bush. Wright called Bush and offered the Olivier rameau. « George, if you are the President and I am pregnant, we have to work together. » « Jim, I am very pleased that you called. I did not want to be personally offensive. « From this point, the reader knows the true Bush well enough to give this assurance its own weight. Bush softened his public attacks on Wright in the countryside, but the witch hunt against Wright continued. After Bush won the election, Bush is reported Wright promised a truce. « I want you to know that I respect you and the House as an institution. » I will have no part in anything that impinges on your honor or integrity, « Bush is supposed to have reassured the speaker. Before Bush took office, Wright was busy working on his favorite populist themes: the concentration of financial power, housing, education, healthcare and taxes.

In January-February, 1989, the House took the examination a pay increase for members. Reagan and Bush had approved such an increase in salary, but Lee Atwater, now installed at the Republican National Committee, has launched a series of mailings and public statements for raising pay in a new issue of corner. It was a brilliant success, with the help of a few old strings of Prescott Bush fired on hosts major talk show around the country. Bush has made the coup d’etat to completely destabilize the Congress at the beginning of its mandate. Wright was hounded out of office and retirement a few months later, followed by Tony Coelho, the Democratic Whip. What remained was sweet Tom Foley, a stamp in soft rubber and Richard Gebhardt, who briefly had trouble with Bush during 1989, but who has found his way to an agreement with Bush that allowed him to rubber-stamp the formula ‘fast track’ of Bush for the free trade area with Mexico, which has effectively killed any hope of resistance to this measure. The fall of Wright was a decisive step in the domestication of the Congress by the Bush regime.

Bush also could count on a vast swamp of the « Bush Democrats » who would support his proposals in practically all circumstances. The basis of this phenomenon was the obvious fact that the National Directorate of the Democratic Party has long a gang of Harrimanites. The Brown Brothers, Harriman on the Democratic Party handle had been represented by W. Averell Harriman until his death, and after which was operated by his widow, Pamela Churchill Harriman, the ex-wife of alcoholic of Sir Winston Churchill’s son, Randolph. Very large networks of Meyer Lansky/Anti-Defamation League among Democrats have been directed to cooperation with Bush, sometimes directly and sometimes through the orchestration of gang vs charades countergang for the manipulation of public opinion. A particular source of Bush strength among Democrats in the South is the cooperation between the skull and bones and the Freemasons of the jurisdiction of the South in the tradition of the infamous Albert Pike. These Masonic networks within the jurisdiction of the South were obviously crucial in the Senate, where a group of Senate Democrats in the South have systematically joined with Bush to block substitutions of many Bush veto rights or to provide a pro-Bush majority voting such as the Gulf war resolution.

Style of Bush in the Oval Office has described this period as « top secret ». Many members of the Bush staff felt that the President had his own long-term plans, but refused to discuss it with his senior staff of the White House. During the first year of Bush, the White House has been described as « a grave, » without the usual dense barrage of leaks, Counter-leaks, trial balloons and signals what government officials usually use to influence the public debate on policy issues. Bush is supposed to have recourse to a ‘need to know’ even with his closest collaborators from the White House, keeping each of them in ignorance of what others are doing. Aid are complained about their inability to respond to telephone calls from Bush when he goes in his famous « mode abbreviated, » in which it can communicate with dozens of politicians, bankers, or heads of leading in a few hours. Passages unauthorized information from one office to another within the White House are leaks in the opinion of Bush, and he took care of deleting the. When the information has been given to the press about a planned meeting with Gorbachov, Bush has threatened his high-level advisers: « if we cannot keep secret correct with this group, we will reduce the circle.  »

Bush has systematically humiliates and mortifies his subordinates. It reminds his style in dealing with many unfortunate slaves and servants who populated his patrician youth; It may also have been re-applied by the characteristic style of Henry Kissinger. If advisors or staff dares to express disagreements, the retort of typical Bush is a whining ‘ If you’re so smart damned, why are you doing what you do and I am the President of the United States?  » [fn 16]

In a sense, Bush style reflects his desire to appear ‘absolute and autocratic »in the tradition of the Romanov tsars and other Byzantine rulers. He refuses to be recommended or discouraged on many issues, by relying on his furious hypethyroid intuitions. More deeply, Act of ‘absolute and autocratic’ Bush was a cover for the fact that many of its initiatives and political ideas came from outside of the Government of the United States, because they were originating ether rarified circles of international finance where names like Harriman, Kravis and Gammell were the coin of the realm. Indeed, many of Bush’s policies comes outside the United States and derived from the oligarchic financial circles of the City of London. The classic case is the 1990-91 Gulf crisis. When the documents on the Bush Administration are finally thrown open to the public, it s safe bet that some British financial albums and types of Ministry of Foreign Affairs will find to have combined remarkable access and power with a nonexistent public profile.

Among the highlights of the first year of the Bush Presidency was his reaction to the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen massacre. No one can forget the beautiful movement of the anti-totalitarian Chinese students who took the opportunity of Hu Yaobang funeral in the spring of 1989 to launch a movement of protest and reform against the monstrous dictatorship of Deng Xiao-ping, Yang Shunkun and Prime Minister Li Peng. As the portrait of the old butcher Mao Tse-Tung looked down from the former imperial palace, students erected a statue of liberty and filled the place of the Ode to joy from Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony. At the end of may, it was clear that the Deng regime was attempting to pull himself to a convulsive massacre of its political opposition. At this point, it is likely that a layout Sharp Guard and unequivocally to the Government of the United States could have avoided the impending bloody repression against the students. Even a warning through secret diplomatic channels would have sufficed. Bush is committed or, and it must take responsibility for this glaring omission.

Then, the non-violent protest of students was crushed by the Communist regime’s martial law troops hated and discredited. Untold thousands of students have been purely and simply killed, and the other thousands died in the merciless death hunt against political dissidents that followed. Humanity was horrified. For Bush, however, the main considerations were that Deng Xiao-ping was part of his own personal network, with whom Bush had maintained close contact since at least 1975. Devotion of Bush to the British doctrine immoral of the « geopolitical » dictated more that, unless and until that the USSS collapsed totally as a military power, the alliance of the United States with China as the second greatest power in the Earth must be maintained at all costs. In addition, Bush has been very sensitive to the views on the policy of China, which was held by his mentor, Henry Kissinger, whose paw-prints still needed to be found everywhere in American relations with Deng. In the wake of Tiananmen, Kissinger (who had lucrative contracts for consultation with the Beijing regime) was unusually vocal in condemning any draft US countermeasures against Deng. These were the decisive factors in the reactions of Bush to Tiananmen.

In the Chinese imperial court pre-1911, the label of the forbidden city required that a person approaching the throne of the son of Heaven must kowtow to this living deity, touching both hands and forehead to the ground three times. This is the famous « kow-towing. » And it has been « Kow-towing » jumped on the lips and the pen of the commentators around the world they have observed the propitiation developed by Bush of the Deng regime. Even the cynics were surprised that Bush may be so deferential to a regime that was obviously so hated by its own population that it should be considered as being on its last legs. the best estimate was that the death of octogenarian Deng Finally, the Communist regime would increase from the stage with him.

In a press conference held on June 9, in the immediate aftermath of the massacre, Bush surprised even the meretricious press corps of the White House by his tone mild and obsequious to Deng and his acolytes. Bush has limited its reprisals to a momentary frequency of certain military sales. That’s all: « I am one who has lived in China; I understand the importance of the relationship with the Chinese people and the Government. It is in the interest of the United States to have good relations… « [fn 17] Bush would consider additional measures, such as the minor step temporarily recalled the Ambassador of the United States, Bush crony CIA and patrician colleague James Lilly?

Well, some have suggested, for example, to show our strength, as I bring the American Ambassador. I disagree with this 180 degrees, and we have seen in recent days a very good reason for him out there. […]

What I won’t do is take all measures are more likely to demonstrate the fact that America feels. And I think that I did it. I will seek other ways to do it if we can.

It was the hen wet with a vengeance, crawling and scraping as Chamberlain to dictators, but there’s more to come. As part of its sweet and pathetic response, Bush is committed to put an end to all « high-level exchanges » with the crowd of Deng. With this public promise, Bush cynically lied to the American people. Shortly before the invasion of Bush of Panama in December, it was reported that Bush had sent the two largest that Kissinger clones in his suite, NSC President Brent Scowcroft and Undersecretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger on a secret mission to Beijing during the weekend of July 4, less than a month after the Tiananmen massacre. Bush considered the mission as so sensitive that it would have been kept secret even White House staff Sununu, who only learned of the trip when two of his assistants ran into the written record of the planning. Scowcroft and Eagleburger history, two veterans of Kissinger Associates, pass the roasting fourth glorious butchers of Beijing was itself a leak following a public mission of prestige in China involving the same duo of Kissingerian which began December 7, 1989. History of Bush cover for his second trip, it was that he wanted to get a briefing to Deng on the results of the Bush-Gorbachov Malta Summit, which has just concluded. The second trip was supposed to lead to the rapid release of Chinese dissident physicist Fang Lizhi, who had taken refuge in the U.S. Embassy in Beijing in the massacre; This did not occur until some time later.

At a press conference mainly devoted to the current Panama invasion, Bush gave one without ambiguity that the inspiration for its policy of China, as well as for whole of foreign policy, has been Kissinger’s signals:

There are many password who, in the conduct of foreign policy or a debate within the U.S. Government, must be set without the spotlight of the news. There must be this way. Any opening to China would never have happened… If Kissinger had not undertaken this mission. It would have fallen apart. Therefore, use your own judgement. [fn 18]

The news of the secret diplomacy of Bush in favor of Deng has caused a widespread wave of healthy and honest public disgust with Bush, but it was little overwhelmed by chauvinist hysteria that accompanied the invasion of Bush of Panama.

Bush the treatment of the question of the situation of immigration of Chinese students who enrolled in universities American character also illuminated by Bush in the wake of Tiananmen. In the statements by Bush in the immediate aftermath of the massacre, he absurdly asserted that there is no Chinese students who wanted asylum policy, but also promised that these students visas would extend so that they would not be forced to return to political and even persecution death in mainland China. Later, it turns out that Bush had failed to enact decrees that would have been necessary. In response to the prevarications of Bush with the life and well-being of Chinese students, the Congress subsequently passed a law that would have waived the requirement that a J visa holders, the type commonly obtained by Chinese students, be required to return to their country of origin for two years before being able to seek permanent residence in the United States. Bush, in an act of repugnant cynicism, vetoed this Bill. The House voted to override by a majority of 390 to 25, but Senate Democrats Bush allowed veto of Bush to be sustained by a vote of 62 to 37. Bush, squirming under the wide obloquy caused by his obnoxious behaviour, has finally released regulations that would temporarily waive the requirement of returning home for most students.

Bush returned from his summer in Kennbunkport with a series of « policy initiatives » which proved most demagogic of photo shoots. In early September, Bush made his first TV regular evening speech to the nation about his so-called war on drugs. The culmination of this speech was the moment when Bush filed a bag of crack which had been sold to a transaction in the Park Lafayette, just in front of the White House. The transaction had been staged with the help of the Drug Enforcement Administration. It was George Bush, a friend of Felix Rodriguez, Hafez Assad, Hashemi Rafsanjani, and Don Aronow. Funds and the objectives set for the Bush program was minimal. A real war on drugs remains a vital necessity, but it was clear that there would be no under the Bush administration.

Later the same month, on 27 and 28 September, Bush met with the Governors of each of the 50 States in Charlottesville, VA., for what was billed as a « Summit on education ». It was really a glorified, photo shoot because all the debates have been maintained with rigour in confidence, and everything was carefully choreographed by image-mongers of the White House. The Conference issued a statement that called for « clear national performance goals », and the substantive direction of ‘Education President’ Bush seems to resolve itself in a test program at the national level that could be used to justify the downward revision of college education and the exclusion of him from Bush could be called « mental defectives. » The testing program would be used to finger and the ‘weak of mind,’ maybe a generation or two of the list? Was there an intention veiled ‘slaughter’ the persons with hereditary disabilities? With history of Bush on the subject, nothing could be excluded.

One of the themes of the ‘education’ Summit was that the material resources had absolutely nothing to do with the performance of an education system. What was afoot since preppie George Bush, who enjoyed a physical plant, library, sports facilities, average class size low and other benefits to its Greenwich Country Day School chic and exclusive Phillips Academy in Andover, which most teachers could only dream of. When, in the summer 1991, found that the national average scores for the scholastic Test had continued to fall, Bush has always categorically stated that increased resources and the general economic condition of the company had nothing to do with the answer. At this time, it also proved reshuffled Secretary to education that Bush, former Governor of Tennessee Lamar Alexander, sent his children to an elite day school associated with Georgetown University, where the school has exceeded the annual income of many poor families.

Several Governors joined James Blanchard of Michigan complaining that under Reaganomics, the federal Government had discharged whole sectors of infrastructure spending, including education, on the States. « We come not to [Charlottesville] shaking a Tin Cup, » said Blanchard. « But we cannot afford to have our education revenues »bled »by the federal Government. These last ten years, the commitment of the federal Government in education rose from 2.5 per cent of the federal budget less than 1.8%. Education must become a national priority, you and the Congress should reverse this decline. » [fn 19]

Ironically, the best viewpoint on the eyepiece of the «Summit on education» Bush comes within his own regime. Obviously piqued to the poor critical became her previous performance as Secretary to the education of Reagan, Bush Drug Czar William Bennett told journalists that the procedures in Charlottesville were « standard pap Democrat and Republican – and something that rhymes with pap. Much of the discussion proceeded to a complete lack of knowledge about what is happening in schools. »

In the fall of 1989, Bush was faced with a crisis of confidence in his regime. His dominance of the Congress on all substantive issues was complete; at the same time he had nothing to offer except for large public subsidies to financial and speculative interests in bankruptcy. With the exception of the efforts with the shovel of the hundreds of billions of dollars on Wall Street, across the Government appeared as aparalyzed and derivative. This was soon accentuated by an enormous upheaval in China, Eastern Europe and the USSR. On Friday, 13 October, with the second anniversary of the great crash of 1987, there was a fall in the Dow Jones Industrial average of 190,58 points in the last hour of trading. This was triggered by the failure of a group of labour-management to obtain sufficient funding to proceed with the acquisition debt of United Airlines. The scene of this failure had been created during the previous weeks by the crisis of the Campeau retail empire highly leveraged, making many totally illiquid junk bonds for awhile. The fall was full of symptoms of a deflationary contraction of overall production and employment. For once Bush seemed to approach this delicate moment where a president is facing the loss of his mandate to govern.

October has been one of the cruelest month for the Bush Presidency: whenever the leaves fall, every time that critical third quarter economic data are published, a crisis of confidence of the public to the patrician regime committed. Two of the three years so far, the reaction of the Bushmen was to go with international violence and mass murder.

October 1989 was full of anxiety and apprehension of the economic future and worry about where Bush was leading the country. The many mood pieces included a clear desire of the circles is liberal establishment to encourage Bush to more decisive and more aggressive action by imposing austerity at home and increase the rate of primitive accumulation in favour of the dollar abroad. A typical example of these rantings of October has been a text read by Kevin Phillips (the traditional Republican theorist of ethnic division and the southern strategy) entitled « George Bush and the Congress – brain-dead Politics of 89. » Phillips faulted Bush for his apparent decision « to emulate operation discreet, centrist President Dwight D. Eisenhower. But imitating Ike in the 1990s as little sense than trying to imitate the Queen Victoria in the early 1930s. [fn 20] Phillips noted how Bush was chosen by its clear commitment to pursue all essential strategies in the years Reagan, while denying the existence of a crisis: Bush made « steps seek to identify national problems because in doing so, [he] would in large part be identifying [his] own faults. »  » «  » The Republicans know at least that they have a problem on the ‘ vision thing ‘, « Phillips noted, while the democratic opposition »does not even spell the word. » All this added to brain atrophy « of the Government. » Phillips has catalogued the absurd complacency of the Bushmen, Brady saying U.S. economy that ‘it couldn’t get much better that it is’ and Baker in response to democratic criticism of Bush’s foreign policy with the retort: « when the President is rocking with an approval rating of 70 percent on his handling of foreign policy, if I was the leader of the opposition I could have something similar to say. » The Phillips basic thesis was that Bush and his apparent opposition joined hands simply ignore the existence of the major problems threatening national American life, while hiding behind a ‘consensus irrelevant’ forged from ten to twenty years overall passed and reminiscent of the tacit agreement of pre-1860 the Democrats and the Whigs to scan the regionalism and slavery under the carpet. One of the consequences of this conspiracy of licensees to ignore the real world was the « duality unhappy that the United States and the Russia are the two empires weakening retreating disorderly of bipolar dominance after 1945 ». Phillips concluded that while the reality might start to force a change in the ‘agenda’ in 1990, it was more likely that a change would happen in 1992 when an aroused electorate, tingling of decades of decline in the level of life and economic aspirations, could « deliver surprising political rewards. » « Honesty day is coming, » summarizes Phillips, with the clear implication that George Bush would not be a beneficiary of the new day.

Similar themes were developed in the Magazine of time clean of Bonesmen towards the end of the month of coverage entitled « Is Government dead? », which featured a photo of cover of George Washington, losing a big tear and a presentation text that warning «  » refusing to drive, politicians leave push America into paralysis. «  » [fn 21] Inside, the regime of Washington has branded as « can not do the Government, » with a concluding analysis that « abroad and at home, more and more problems and opportunities are not met. » Under the shade of a massive Federal charged that no political party is ready to face, a kind of neurosis of accepted limits grabbed a piece of the Pennsylvania Avenue to the other. » Time discovered that Bush and the Congress « were conspiring to hide’ $96 billion of a defecit $206 billion through various stratagems, while the Bill for bailout of S & L had levitate upwards to $300 billion. Time to ridicule the « paltry $115 million »Bush had offered as the Poland economic aid during his visit there in the summer. Responsibility for the growing malaise was assigned by the time Bush: « Leadership is generally left to the President. « Yet George Bush seems to have as much evil than ever with the ‘ vision thing ‘. Handcuffed by its simplistic « read my lips » rhetorical campaign against an increase of the tax as well as by conservative personality, Bush often seems self-satisfied and reactive. «  » Time has then accuse Bush for malfeasance or non-performance in several areas: « its long-term objectives, beyond the hope of a »kinder »nation, more gentle, were lost in a miasma of public relations stunts. Recent « education Summit » president with the Governors of the nation has produced some interesting ideas on national standards, but little about how to pay the fee to help public schools meet them.  » Its many trumpet of war against drugs was more a skirmish underfunded. Bush said voters last year that he is an environmentalist, but proposals for greater abatement put forward this year–stringent new standards on automobile emissions – have been adapted from strict limits of California for the 1990s. »

« Abroad, Bush tends to activate the famous maxim of Teddy Roosevelt his head talking fort and holder of a small stick, » was then cruel cut first to a president who had placed the portrait of Rough Rider racist in the Oval Office, replacing the likeness of Coolidge « Silent Cal » that had adorned the premises during the years Reagan. It was a barb to make George grinning when he read.

Bush and Baker Brady were thus faced with some clear signals of an ugly mood of discontent on the part of the Community financial establishment of the keys inside their own traditional base. These groups demanded more austerity, a more primitive accumulation against the population of the United States that George had been able to deliver. A further ingredient in dangerous on Wall Street dissatisfaction and its surroundings was that Bush was sloppy and missed a sponsored by U.S. coup d’etat against the Panamanian Government loyal to general Manuel Antonio Noriega. Survival of Noriega and the continued contempt of Washington seemed to certify, in the eyes of the financial power, that Bush is indeed a wimp unable to conduct their affairs international or national. In November 1989, the Bush regime ten – months, been drifiting to Niagara in serious trouble. It is in these conditions that Bush networks responded with their invasion of the Panama.

October 3, 1989, several officers of the Forces of Panamanian defence under the direction of Major Moises Giroldi attempted to oust general Noriega and to seize power. The pro-golpe forces appear to have Noriega in their physical control for a certain period of time, and they have been in contact with the U.S. Southern command in Panama through various channels. But they executed Noriega nor him handed over to the American forces, and Noriega used the delay to rally the support of loyal troops in other parts of the Panama. American forces mobilized and blocked two roads leading to the headquarters of PDF, as they leaders golpe had requested. But the golpistas also wanted the support of U.S. air combat and it would have required U.S. ground forces to provide active assistance. Bush won these requests, and the golpe collapsed before that Bush could decide what to do.

Bush crisis management style was portrayed as an autocratic one-man show, with Bush refusing to convene the usual « excomm » – crisis Committee bureaucratic style with representatives of the State, defence, NSA, CIA and other interested persons. Instead, Bush would have insisted on three parallel tracks of status reports, defense and the CIA have been provided. While he was curious about the contradictory assessments, his team of coup d ‘ état was being rounded up and liquidated. This is worse than his blundering handling of the coup d ‘ état in Sudan in 1985.

There are signs that the great criticism of its botched handling of the coup, including such close allies as the skull and bones Senator David Boren of Oklahoma, has been an excruciating personal humiliation for Bush. As former boss feared Langley, it was supposed to be mastered in subversion, putsches and the overthrow of rebel Governments in Washington. His letters of credence of foreign policy, presented as the highlight in his curriculum vitae, were now irretrievably tarnished. According to some testimonies of alleged insiders, U.S. forces were not rushed to the rescue of the rebels due to the reluctance and mistrust on the part of the American officers, from Genesis Thurman, the Panama-American commander.

Member of Congress Dave McCurdy of Oklahoma has criticized Bush: « yesterday makes Jimmy Carter look like a man of will. There is a resurgence of the WIMP factor. « George Will wrote that a column entitled »a serious Presidency. »

Bush hid the press for 11 days after the golpe was crushed, but then had to face a barrage of hostile questions anyway. Since he had urged the overthrow of Noriega, asked him, was not not supporting the rebels with the U.S. armed forces? Bush replied:

Yes, quite consistent. I want to see [Noriega] out of there and I want to see translated into justice. And which must not mean that which means automatically, regardless of the regime, or whatever that the coup d ‘ état attempt is diplomatically and nothing else that support us carte blanche to that.

I think that this argument quite advanced that if you say you want to see Noriega out, which involves coverage, Blanche open on the use of military force us… for me it is a stupid argument that make some people very scholarly.

Bush was very sarcastic on « instant hawks who has appeared in the place where once there was a dove feathers. » There were reports of mood severe fits of anger of Bush as critical accounts of his crisis leadership fled inside its own administration. But Bush denied that he had been chewing the carpet: « I’ve never felt, you know, anger or explode. » This is absurd, said Bush deceit. « I did not angry. I did not angry. What I’m saying is, I don’t want to see any blame coming out of the oval or allocated office in the Oval Office, faced with criticism. I’m not in the business of blame. Blame, if there is some to be affected, it’s in. « And this is where it should be. » Bush emphasized that he was ready to use force to oust Noriega: « I wouldn’t force now if this could be done in a prudent manner. » We want to see Mr. Noriega outdoors. « The former Director of CIA mortified also defended the quality of its intelligence: »it was not an intelligence gap that would cause me to act differently. « »I don’t see any serious disconnects all.» « [fn 22] Chief of Bush, Sununu, stated that one of the difficulties faced by the White House in response to the coup had been difficult to determine the identity of the leaders of the coup. While it was probably disinformation, confusion on Bush was more poignant. It is squirming and complaining under the opprobrium of his first failure in Panama that Bush has matured the idea of a full-scale military invasion to capture Noriega and occupy Panama around Christmas, 1989.

The participation of George Bush with the Panama dates back to operations in Central America and the Caribbean by cabal Jupiter Island Harrimanite, Senator Prescott Bush. We recall the pugnacious assertions of Bush of American sovereignty over the Panama Canal during its electoral contest of 1964 with Senator Yarborough. For the clan Bush, the cathexis of the Panama is very deep, because it is bound upward with the exploits of Theodore Roosevelt, the founder of American imperialism of twentieth-century that the Bush family is determined to defend in the most remote corners of the planet. Because it was Theodore Roosevelt who had used the USS Nashville and other United States naval forces to prevent the Colombian army to suppress the fomentee revolt – U.S. Panamanian soldiers in November 1903, thus preparing the ground for the creation of an independent Panama and for the signing of the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty which created a Zone of the Panama Canal under American control. Roosevelt « cowboy » diplomacy had been sentenced in the American press of the time as ‘hacking ‘; the Springfield Republican had found « the most unworthy of our history » episode, but the sight of Bush was always Pro-imperialist. This is the comparison bucaneering Theodore poor George wrong seem boldly.

Theodore Roosevelt had in December, 1904 exhibited its so-called « Roosevelt corollary » to the Monroe Doctrine, in reality a complete repudiation and the perversion of the anti-colonialist essense of John Quincy Adams initial warning to the British and other imperialists. The self-righteous Teddy Roosevelt declares that:

Chronic wrongdoing… may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by a civilised nation and Western Hemisphere, the accession of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power. [fn 23]

The old imperialist idea of Theodore Roosevelt was quickly taken up by the Bush Administration in 1989. Through a series of actions by the Attorney general Richard Thornburgh, supreme Court of the United States and Director of the CIA William Webster, the Bush regime assumes a wide carte blanche for extraterritorial interference in the internal affairs of States sovereign, all in open disregard for the rules of international law. These illegal innovations can be summarized under the heading of the «Doctrine of Thornburgh.» The Federal Bureau of Investigation arrogates to itself the ‘right’ looking for premises outside American territory, as well as the arrest and kidnap foreigners outside the jurisdiction American, all this without the consent of the judicial process of other countries whose territory was therefore the subject of violation. The U.S. armed forces were gifted with the ‘right’ to the police to take action against civilians. The CIA demanded that a decree prohibiting the participation of representatives of the U.S. Government and the military in the assassination of foreign political leaders, which had been issued by President Ford in October 1976, be cancelled. It is said that this ban on presidential assassinations of foreign officials and politicians, who had been promulgated in response to church and Pike Committee of CIA abuse investigations, was indeed repealed. To complete this package without faith nor law, an opinion of the US supreme court issued on February 28, 1990 authorized US abroad to stop (or remove) officials and research foreign nationals without taking account of the legislation or policy of the foreign nation subject to this interference. Through these measures, the regime of Bush effectively staked its claim to universal extraterritorial jurisdiction, the classic posture of an empire who seek to assert the universal power of the police. The Bush regime aspired to the status of a power world legibus solutus, a superpower exempted from all legal restrictions. [fn 24]

In January 1972, during the special session of the Security Council of the United Nations in Addis Ababa, the Panamanian delegate, Aquilino Boyd, delivered a withering of the American « occupation » condemnation of the Canal Zone, most Panamanians found more and more intolerable. Then Ambassador Bush had wormed his way out of a difficult situation by pleading that Boyd was out of use, given that the Panama was not placed on the agenda of the meeting. Boyd was relentless in pressing a special session of the Council of safety in Panama City during which he could bring to the issue of sovereignty over the Canal Zone and the canal. Later, in March 1973, the successor to Bush at the mission of the United Nations, John Scali, was forced to use a veto to kill a resolution calling for « full respect for the effective sovereignty of the Panama throughout its territory ». This veto was a major political embarrassment, sank against the vehement condemnation of the tribune, which was full of Patriots Panamanians. To make things worse, the United States had been totally isolated, with 13 countries supporting the resolution and one abstention. [fn 25]

As we have seen, direct personal relationship between Bush and Noriega are returned at least as much as the occupation of CIA 1976 of Bush. At that time, Noriega, who had been trained by the United States at Fort Gulick, Fort Bragg and other locations, was the head of intelligence for the Panamanian nationalist leader, general Omar Torrijos, with whom, Carter signed the Panama Canal Treaty, the ratification by the U.S. Senate means that the channel would return to Panama in the year 2000. During the negotiation of an agreement between Torrijos and the Carter Administration, the US Agency of national security and the Defense Intelligence Agency have conducted eletronic eavesdropping against officials involved in the negotiations Panamanians. This listening would have been discovered by Noriega, who had allegedly done to bribe members of 470th military intelligence of the U.S. military, which provided him with tapes of all conversations bugged, which Noriega is then subject to Torrijos. According to published accounts, the U.S. Army had investigated this codename operation Canton song situation under a probe and identified a group of « singing »on the payroll of Noriega. sergeants. Lew Allen, Jr., the head of the NSA, supposedly wanted a public indictment of the sergeants for treason and espionage, but Bush is supposed to have hesitated, saying that the issue should be left to the army, which had decided to conceal the case. A history of plausible political cover for Bush to continue refusing was his desire to avoid scandals in the intelligence community that could hurt Gerald Ford in the 1976 election. [fn 26] Regardless of the truth of these allegations, it seems to be no doubt that Bush has met personally with Noriega during his 1976 CIA. According to a testimony, this Bush-Noriega was a lunch-debate in December 1976 at the residence of the Panamanian Ambassador to Washington. Says Bapfumukeko Kempe, « years later, in 1988, after Noriega has indicted the fresh drug in Florida, Bush would initially deny having ever met Noriega.» He recalled by the remainder of the meeting, but none of its details. Its three best memories you can lunch and one of them insisted, it was the third meeting between the two men. « [fn 27]

During the preparation of his trial to Miamai, Fla., 1991, counsel for the defence of Noriega submitted a document to the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of Florida, in which they specified matters that they intend to use in the defense of Noriega that may involve any information deemed claissified by the U.S. Government. Before being released to the public, this document has been heavily censored. No part of this production only is more heavily censored, however, that the section entitled ‘General Noriega’s relations with George Bush’, which has been whited on about 6 of 15 pages, allegedly to protect U.S. national security, but in reality to hide material that is explosively compromising the political reputation of Bush. Proffer de Noriega confirmed a Bush-Noriega meeting December 8, 1976 at the Panamanian Embassy in Washington. « At this meeting, there were discussions concerning disorders in the canal zone. But at no time Mr Bush said that the Panamanian Government was somehow responsible for the attack « that had taken place in the Canal Zone, when Ford, concerned by the attacks of Reagan, demanding that the channel remains in the hands of the Americans, cut off the talks on the future of the canal. Proffer de Noriega adds that « when Bush end of his mandate he sent a letter to Noriega thanking Noriega for his help. Bush said that he would inform his successor of the cooperation of Noriega. « [fn 28]

During this period, the CIA allegedly paid Noriega a deduction of $ 110 000 a year, supposedly in Exchange for Noriega on Cuban intelligence and other activities of interest to the United States. Admiral Stansfield Turner claims when it resumes the CIA completed payments to Noriega, he refused to meet with him. Turner confirmed several details of the relationship of these years Bush-Noriega: we all know that Bush met with Noriega, even if it was only 11 months. And I have stated that Bush got him on the payroll, « said Turner in October 1988. « I was there four years, and I never felt good to him [Noriega] or make payroll, said Turner. » [fn 29] Turner went say that after the fall of Bush Carter Noriega, re-enstated as an American asset, saying Bush « Noriega has met and him back on the Payroll » as a provider of intelligence. Turner would not clarify its evidence, but is nevertheless adamant: « I can tell you I am very confident of that.  »

In 1991, reports surface of a joint project of the CIA and the Mossad in Central America, which included smuggling large-scale illegal drugs from Colombia through Panama to the United States. It was the code name « Opération Watchtower. » According to an affidavit signed by Colonel end Edward P. Cutolo, a US Army Special Forces Commander who was responsible for operations in Colombia included in this project, « watchtower of operation was intended to establish a series of three towers of the electronic tag begins outside Bogota, Colombia, and running North-East to the border of the Panama. » Once the watch tower teams were in place, the lighthouse has been activated in order to send a signal that aircraft could fix on fly not detected from Bogotá to Panama, then land at Albrook Air Station. « [fn 30] according to Cutolo, the flights were often greeted at Albrook Air Station by Noriega, other agents PDF, CIA agents and an Israeli citizen supposed to be David Kimche of Mossad. Another Israeli involved in flights was agent of Mossad Michael Harari, who maintained a close relationship with Noriega until the time of the U.S. invasion of December 20, 1989. According to the affidavit of Cutolo, «  » told of contacts of the Pentagon, in confidence, that the Director of Central Intelligence Stansfield Turner and former CIA Director George Bush are among the personalities which protect Harari public scrutiny. ‘  » According to Cutolo, « transported cargo from Colombia to Panama was cocaine », who eventually finished in the United States. The profits were allegedly laundered through a series of banks, including the Panama banks. According to published reports, Cutolo and a long list of other US military, who was aware of the operation Watchtower died in unexplained circumstances in the 1980s, one of them after having unsuccessfully tried to interest CBS News ’60 Minutes’ personal in this case. Mike Harari of the Mossad is would have been of the main suspects in the death of one of the American officers, army colonel James Rowe, who was killed in the Philippines, on April 21, 1989. At operation Watchtower on the agenda of the Bush-Noriega’s 1976 meeting?

According to proffer Noriega CIPA, « another contact between Noriega and George Bush was after George Bush became Vice President. Now that Noriega Bush has sent a letter of congratulations and Bush returned a response. In this letter, dated Date December 23, 1980, Bush said « Thanks for the great message of congratulations. » He says, « I remember your visit in 1976 and I hope that our paths will cross again. » « [fn 31]

There may be no doubt that Noriega relations with the Reagan-Bush administration were very intense. According to the Panamanian defector Jose Blandon, Noriega frequently went to Washington for secret private meetings with the Director of the CIA William Casey, during 1982-83, and the following year. Noriega also met a little later with the Iran-contra Bush point man, Oliver North. [fn 32] According to statement of CIPA de Noriega, Noriega was presented to the North on a cruise on the Potomac by us general Schweitzer, Director of the Inter-American joint military group. According to the statement of CIPA de Noriega, North had been consume a lot of alcohol and in an animated fashion spoke of the problems encountered by the contras. «North was particularly concerned about allegations that have surfaced linking the contras with drug trafficking.  » « Urged North Noriega to do everything he could to the contras. During this meeting to the North, said that he was in charge of all operations in Central America, having to do with the contras and that he worked directly for Reagan and Bush. Although the North requested the assistance, he did not say exactly what he wanted. North said Noriega that if at any time he needed to talk to the North that Noriega could just call it at the White House. [fn 33]

According to proffer CIPA de Noriega presented for trial in Miami, « from around August 1985 to September of 86 Noriega repeatedly received of emissaries of Oliver North. One was Humberto Quinones. Quinones has tried to win favors from Noriega and names used on several occasions of Reagan and Bush. Quinones said that the contras are not fighting very well and asked that the Panama come in aid to the contras. »

Later, at the end of summer 1985, Noriega spoke with North and Secord in London. North demanded that Noriega use Panamanian commandos to conduct operations against the Sandinista regime. « Just listened Noriega » and did not accept to cooperate. [fn 34]

It was all denied by the Bush campaign through spokesman Steve Hart, but the photo is from the meeting of Bush with Noriega in Panama City in December 1983. Don Gregg was also at the scene. This meeting was also attended by Everett Briggs, then the United States Ambassador to the Panama. During the previous months, Noriega had repudiated the policy of supporting the Nicaraguan Contras rebels that the Bushmen had managed to sell to Reagan as his obsession with foreground. Noriega has done this by declaring its support fo of the Contadora Group, which thus appears as alignment of Mexico, from Venezuela, Colombia and Panama, and which advocates a pacification plan and the restoration of national sovereignty in Central America as a whole through the prohibition of arms trafficking, with the withdrawal of bases and foreign advisers. According to Briggs, Bush may have sought the diplomatic support of Noriega to the American position in the region. But Briggs denies that Bush was also seeking a Panamanian military support against the Sandinistas. According to the Bushmen, talks of Bush to the Panama was devoted to a « privileged » with the President of Panama conference, la Espriella Ricardo, who was also present at the meeting. [fn 35] But Noriega was clearly the dominant figure on the political scene Panamanian.

Later, Sidekick Bush Don Gregg was obliged to testify under oath on Bush with Noriega relations in the context of the civil suit brought by the christic Institute in Washington, DC against members of the Bush-Shackley-Clines undertaking. Gregg said that the Ambassador Briggs himself was a friend of Bush. Gregg said that in December, 1983 meeting, Panamanian President Ricardo of la Espriella us had denied press reports from the complicity of the Panamanian authorities in drug trafficking.

But while Noriega maintained close relations with the United States, he has also treated Cuba and other countries in the region. Noriega was more motivated by Panamanian nationalism and the desire to preserve a degree of independence for his country. The hostility of the U.S. Government against Noriega was caused firstly by the refusal of Noriega to be submitted to the American policy of war against the Sandinista regime. This was explained by Noriega, in an interview with a journalist Mike Wallace CBS on February 4, 1988, in which Noriega described the American campaign against him as a « policy of the Ministry of Justice conspiracy ». Noriega has described a visit to Panama, December 17, 1985, by Admiral John Poindexter, then the head of the US National Security Council, which has demanded that Noriega join in acts of war against the Nicaragua, then threatened to Panama with the economic war and destabilization policy when Noriega refused to go and plans of Poindexter :

Noriega: Poindexter said he came on behalf of the Reagan presidency. He said that Panama and the Mexico acted against us in Central America policy because we were saying that the Nicaragua conflict must be settled peacefully. And this was not good enough for the plans of the Reagan administration. The only thing that will protect us to be economically and politically, attacked by the United States, is that we allow the contras to be trained in the Panama for the fight against the Nicaragua.

Wallace: He told you that you would be economically attacked if you do not do this?

Noriega: It has been said, Panama should expect economic consequences. Your interest is that we should help the contras, and we said ‘no’ to that.

This Poindexter’s plans for an invasion of the Nicaragua which requires the participation of troops fig leaf to other countries in the region:

Noriega: Yes, they wanted to attack the Nicaragua and the only reason why it had not already taken place was that the Panama was too much, and everything what they wanted it was that Panama would pave the way and make it possible for them to continue their plans.

According to the Advisor of Noriega, Panamanian Defence Forces captain Cortiso,.

« [the United States] wanted that Panamanian forces attack first.  » Then we would receive the support of American troops. « [fn 36]

It is in this same December, 1985 period that Bush and Don Gregg met Ambassador Briggs to discuss the refusal of the Noriega to follow dictated from Washington. According to Gregg in his testimony in the trial of the christic Institute, « I think that we [i.e., Bush and Gregg] came from the meeting with Ambassador Brggs with the sense that Noriega was a growing problem, politically, militarily, and possibly in the field of drugs. » Pressed to comment on relations assumed by Noriega for drug trafficking, Gregg could only add: « it would have been a part of the overall picture of Noriega as a political problem, corruption and a problem of policy. » «  » Yes. « [fn 37] »I do remember any specific discussion of Noriega’s involvement in drugs’, said Gregg. In this case, it is quite possible that Don Gregg is to provide once accurate testimony: the decision of the U.S. Government to interfere in the internal affairs of the beginning for the overthrow of Noriega Panama had nothing to do with the issues of drug trafficking. It was based on the rejection of Noriega of ultimatum to Poindexter requiring in favour of contra Nicargauan, themselves a gang of drug pushers with the full support of Bush and the Government of the United States. Colonel Samuel j. Watson III, National Security Advisor Deputy to Bush over the years, invoked the privilege of the Executive in his christic Institute statement on the advice of his lawyer to avoid responding to questions about the Bush with Briggs 1985 meeting. [fn 38]

In addition to the issue of aid from contra, another reason to be official rage US against Noriega appeared in 1985. President Nicky Barletta, darling of the State Department and former vice-president of the Bank World genocidal, attempted to impose a package of measures of economic adjustment dictated by the Monetary Fund International and conditionalities. It was a brutal austerity package, and the riots soon erupted in protest against Barletta. Noriega refused to comply with the request of Barletta to use military forces Panamanians to quell unrest, anti-austerites, and the IMF austerity package has been so compromised. Barletta was just ousted as president.

During 1986-1987, Noriega has cooperated with U.S. law enforcement authorities in a number of anti-drug operations very efficient. This successful joint effort has been documented by letters of congratulations sent to Noriega’s John C. Lawn, this head of the Drug Enforcement Administration of United States time. February 13, 1987, the lawn has written to Noriega: « your support for a long time by the Drug Enforcement Administration is greatly appreciated. International police cooperation and the vigorous pursuit of drug traffickers is our common goal. » Later in the same year, lawn wrote to Noriega to pay tribute to contributions his operation Pisces, a joint effort by the United States-Panama against drug trafficking and the laundering of drug. Panamanian participation was facilitated by tough new legislation, called Bill 23, which contains tough new provisions against money drug capital. Letter of 27 May 1987 Noriega lawn includes the following items: *as you know, functioning fish just ended has been enormously successful: millions of dollars and thousands of kilos of drugs were taken from drug traffickers and international money launderers…

Yet once, the DEA and the Panama officials treated together an effective blow against drug traffickers and international money launderers. Your personal commitment to fish from the operation and competent, professional and tireless of other officials in the Republic of the Panama has been essential to the positive outcome of this investigation. Dealers of drugs around the world knows now that the profits from their illegal activities are not welcome at the Panama. The operation of 6 may resulted in the freezing of millions of dollars in the bank accounts of drug traffickers. Simultaneously, the Bank documents were confiscated which gave officials of important information about drug trafficking and the laundering operations of the drug trade. The DEA has always appreciated the close cooperation, and we are ready to act together against international drug traffickers whenever the opportunity arises. [fn 39]

By a striking coincidence, it was in June 1987, a month barely after this tribute was written, that the U.S. Government has declared war against the Panama, by launching a campaign aimed at destabilizing Noriega on the pretext of lack of democracy and corruption. June 30, 1987, the U.S. State Department demanded the dismissal of general Noriega. Elliott Abrams, the Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America, most later developed business indicted for perjury in 1991 for his role in the Iran-contra scandal and cover-up, made the announcement. Abrams took note of a resolution adopted on 23 June by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee calling for the establishment of a « democratic Government » the Panama and formally concurred, which makes the overthrow of Noriega, the official policy of the United States. Abrams has also demanded that the Panamanian army liberated from « political corruption ».

It was precisely the measures of destabilization that Poindexter had threatened 18 months earlier. The effective date of the U.S. demand for the ouster of Noriega appears to have been dictated by the resentment in the American financial community on the apparent contradiction with certain taboos in its measures against laundering of drug of Noriega. As the New York Times pointed out in August 10, 1987: « the political crisis closely follows it as bankers here seen as a serious breach of the rules of banking secrecy. » « Earlier this year, as part of an American campaign against drug money laundering, the Panamanian Government has frozen some accounts suspects here in a way that the bankers and lawyers considered arbitrary. » It was precisely the actions glorified by the lawn. Noriega had closed operations sanctioned by the American intelligence community or confiscated the assets of New York banks?

In November 1987, Noriega was visited by former vice presidential Chief of staff Bush, Admiral Daniel J. Murphy. Murphy had left Bush’s Office in 1985 to enter the international consulting company. Murphy was accompanied during his trip Tongsun Park, a protagonist of the scandal of the Koreagate of 1976 which had served so well to Bush. Murphy said that the Park was part of a group of international businessmen who had sent him to the Panama to determine if Murphy could help « restore stability to the Panama » as traders or representative of the Panamanian Government, a history of coverage of the singular. « Really, I was trying to find out if there is room for negotiation between him and the opposition, » Murphy said at the beginning of 1988. It reported that Murphy, who had conferred with the NSC chief Colin Powell, Don Gregg, and Elliott Abrams of the State Department, before going to Panama, said Noriega that he could remain in his post through early 1989, if he allowed political reforms, free elections and a free press, but Murphy denied having done this. He still does not know precisely what Murphy mission sent to Panama for Bush. [fn 40]

August 12, 1987, Noriega responded to opposition campaigns fomented by the United States within Panama by stating that the objective of Washington and his minions Panamanian was « to break the Panama as a free and independent nation. It’s a repeat of what Teddy Roosevelt did when he attacked militarily following the separation of the Colombia Panama. » August 13, 1987, the Los Angeles Times reported that US Assistant Attorney general Stephen Trott, who had led the Working Group ‘Get Noriega »Department of Justice for more than a year, had sent orders from » together everything we have on him [Noriega] to see if it is liable to prosecution.  » This classic ‘enemies list’ operation was clearly intended to manufacture drug charges against Noriega, since that was the political spin that the American regime wished to confer on the attack on Panama. In February 1988, Noriega has been indicted U.S. fresh drugs, despite a lack of evidence and of incompetence even more convincing. This indictment was quickly followed by economic sanctions, an embargo on trade with other measures of economic warfare which were invoked by Washington on March 2, 1988. All these measures have been programmed to coincide with the presidential preference primaries ‘Super’ Tuesday in the southern States, where Bush has benefited from the racist appeal from the onslaught of Noriega, who is of Métis ancestry and has a swarthy complexion.

In the spring of 1988, the Reagan Administration conducted negotiations with Noriega with the stated purpose to convince her to give up power in Exchange for having the cost of medication against him dropped. In may, Michael G. Kozak, Assistant Secretary of State Assistant for inter-American Affairs had sent to the Panama to meet with Noriega. Bush had attacked other candidates for the Presidency, in particular the Dukakis, to be soft on Noriega sought negotiations with the Panamanian leader. Bush first spoke at a meeting of Directors directors to advocate an end to negotiations with Noriega. According to the press, this proposal was « hotly contested. » Then, in a speech in Los Angeles, Bush made one of his starts extremely rare since the Reagan line by announcing with a straight face that a Bush Administration would step « negotiate with drug traffickers » at home or abroad. [fn 41]

Interest of Bush Noriega continued after that he had assumed the Presidency. April 6, 1989, Bush officially declared that the Government of the Panama represented « an unusual and extraordinary threat » to U.S. national security and foreign policy. He relied upon the national emergencies Act and emergency International law to declare a State of « national emergency » in the country to meet the threat allegedly posed by the nationalists of the Panama shortly. The issue of May 1, 1989, US News and World Report revealed that Bush had authorized the expenditure of $10 million in the Fund of the CIA for operations against the Panamanian authorities. These funds were obviously to be used to influence the Panamanian elections, which were scheduled for early May. The money was delivered to Panama Lansky CIA Eric de Carlos Almaran rooms, who had just been arrested in Georgia in April 1989 on charges of drug trafficking. On 2 may, with an eye on these elections, Bush tried to refurbush his image of pool wet with a thunderous tirade sent to the Rockefeller-controlled Council of the Americas where he stated: « I would like to say one thing clearly. The USA does not accept the results of the fraudulent elections which serve to maintain the supreme commander of the Panamanian armed forces to power. « This clearly says that Bush intended to declare the non-democratic elections if the pro-Noriega candidates were not defeated.

In the elections of May 7, $10 million from the CIA and other sums of money were used to finance a vast secret operation to steal the elections. The United States have supported Civic Democratic Alliance, whose candidate was Guillermo Endara, bought votes, bribed election officials and finally physically fled with the official vote counts. Due to the massive scheme of fraud and irregularities, the Panamanian Government annulled the election. Somewhere along the line of the usual put in American scene ‘people power’ resurgence was not to materialize. The failure of Bush to force through a victory of the opposition anti-Noriega was a first moment of humiliation for the so-called Rough Rider.

This is the opportunity of a new explosion of breast-beating hypocritical of Bush, whose vote fraud operation had not worked so well in Panama as she had in New Hampshire. Speaking at the launching ceremony of Mississippi State University in Starkville, Mississippi, Bush launched a formal appeal to acquire and the soldiers of the Panama to overthrow Noriega, stating that « they should do everything as they can to get out of there Mr. Noriega ». Asked if it was a call for a military coup against Noriega, Bush replied: « I’d love to see them get out of there. Not only the file PDF – the will of the people of Panama. « Bush said that his was a call for » a revolution – the people arose, and has talked to – in a democratic election with an important – a huge-participation rate, said what they wanted.  » The will of the people must not be thwarted by this man and a handful of these rogue Doberman. «  »I think that the election has therefore clearly that people want democracy and a therefore clear that democracy is thwarted by a man that’s in itself would be the catalyst to remove Noriega, »said Bush, making its characteristic equation of ‘democracy’ with a regime subservient to the whim of US. Bush has procrastinated on its own commitment to dismantle the Panamanian defense Forces, saying that he wanted « to make clear… that he has no vendetta against the Forces of Panamanian defence as an institution; » the United States was concerned that the status of « banditry » and « outcast » of Noriega. Bush also seemed to invite the assassination of Noriega to blurt, « No, I would like to add any words of caution » on how to do all this. It slyly to open an escape hatch in the case where a coup d ‘ état leader called the United States to support, as in fact later: « If PDF support to get rid of Noriega, they would not need the support of to the United States to get rid of Noriega.  » He is a man, and they have a well-trained force. « Bush also appears to encourage Noriega to flee to a country where he could be extradited to the United States, which sounded like a recipe to avoid lawsuits that could prove to be very embarrassing for Bush personally and for the whole of the U.S. Government.

During this period, Admiral William Crowe, the Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, attempted to convince to the Panama American commander, general Frederick. F. Woerner, to accept a reinforcement of brigade-size of 3 000 soldiers in addition to 12 000 men already stationed in the Panama. Woerner declined the additional troops, which the Pentagon had intended to ship with great pomp in an attempt to intimidate Noriega and his triumphant supporters. At this stage the preparations of the Pentagon activated for operation blue spoon, which included a contingency plan to kidnap Noriega using a Delta Force unit. There were discussions on the question of whether an attempt could have removed Noriega with any probability of success; It was concluded that Noriega was very cunning and extremely difficult to follow. It is during these discussions that Secretary of defense Cheney is reported saying Crowe, «  »you know, the President has had a long history of vindictive political actions. » ».  » Cross Bush and you pay,’ he says, providing the names of some victims and adding: Bush remembers and one must be careful. « [fn 42] so intimidated by Bush, military commanders agreed with the announcement by Bush of size of a brigade for Woerner strengthening, as well as secret sending forces Delta and Navy Seals. On 17 July, Bush approved a plan to « assert U.S. Treaty rights ‘ by demonstrative military provocations of company in violation of the Treaty. Woerner was soon replaced by general Maxwell Reid ‘Mad Max’ Thurman, who would bring no qualms to his assignment of aggression. Thurman resumed to southern command on September 30.

As a result of this tirade, the American forces to the Panama began a systematic campaign of military provocations which continued until the invasion on 20 December. In July, American forces began to play way to seize important military installations Panamanian and civilian targets, in flagrant violation of the Treaty of the Panama Canal. July 1, for example, the town of Gamboa was seized and held for 24 hours by U.S. troops, tanks and helicopters. The Mayor of the town and 30 other people were detained illegally during this ‘manoeuvre ‘. Chilibre, U.S. forces have occupied key purification station serving the city of Panama and Colon. August 15, Bush escalated the rhetoric even more further by proclaiming that he had the obligation « to remove Noriega ». Then, during the first days of October, there was the attempt of coup d’etat sponsored by U.S. aborted, followed by public humiliation of George Bush, who did not have to compete against the standards of effectiveness established by Theodore Roosevelt.

Throughout October and November and December, the Bush Administration has worked to prepare the plans for an invasion on a large scale of Panama, operation blue spoon. In mid-December, there were a total of 24 000 American soldiers in Panama, deployed against the 16 000 of the PDF, including only about 3 500 were organized and equipped for military combat.

In the United States are now committed to a military attack. With effect from January 1, 1990, according to the Treaty to the United States and Panama, the head of the administration of the canal must be Panamanian citizens, proposed by Panama and approved by the U.S. Government. It was a transaction that Bush wanted to pursue with a puppet government and not with an independent Government. Transparent light us preparations for an invasion to short term or another incursion of the army, the National Assembly of the Panama adopted a resolution on 15 December to take note of the situation which had now been forced to Panama by Bush. The statement was designed to support emergency powers by the Panamanian Government to respond to the crisis and was in no way equivalent to a declaration of war in international law, no more than the statement April 6, 1989 by Bush of the American State of emergency before the Panamanian situation was. « The Republic of Panama, » the read statement, « for the past two years has undergone cruel and constant harassment by the U.S. Government, which the President has made use of the powers of war… to submit to the will of Panamanian… The Republic of the Panama is living as a true state of war, under the permanent tracking of the U.S. Government, including the soldiers not only daily, undermine the integrity of the Torrijos-Carter treaties… but trample our sovereign rights violation open, arrogant and shameless of the Covenants and the norms of international law… This is why it is resolved that the Republic of Panama are declared in State of war, because as long as triggered aggression against the Panamanian people by the U.S. Government continues. « [fn 43] the first comment by the spokesman for the White House Marlin Fitzwater was to minimize this statement: »I don’t think that someone here believes it is quite important in terms of impact, »Fitzwater told the White House press. It was only after Bush gave the final order to attack it was discovered that this statement was an another casus belli.

At this point, the activity of provocation to the United States has been strengthened, with particular attention to approaches to the headquarters of Noriega, command. Here, at the point of PDF A Avenue, on the evening of Saturday, December 16, marine Lieutenant Adam J. Curtis and his wife Bonnie had been detained as they have chosen to take an evening stroll in this very tense and very sensitive area. Their presence could in no case have been interpreted as purely casual. Then, while the Lieutenant and Ms. Curtis had their identity is verified by the PDF, a car occupied by four other officers of Americans of ‘rest’ in civilian clothes drove up. These officers said later that they had taken a wrong turning the Comandancia of Noriega, where the cat and mouse game of potential kidnappers and their prey was known to go to every hour. These U.S. officials alleged that the PDF guards had ordered them out of their car under the threat. But American officials also admitted they tried to depart from the area of the PDF checkpoint at high speed, and it is not clear in what direction they were headed. Car of the American officers have managed to leave the scene. At this stage, according to the American account, the PDF guards opened fire and wounded Lieutenant Navy Robert Paz, which is most later reported to have died of his wounds at the we Gorgas military hospital. Another American officer in the car was slightly injured in the leg.

When the Lieutenant and Ms. Curtis had been released by the PDF about four hours later, they alleged that Lieutenant Curtis had been beaten, and Ms. Curtis fondled and sexually threatened by PDF. These details, which may have been purely invented, had seized obsessive Bush in its public justifications for the invasion. Published accounts indicate that the US Southern Command public affairs officer suggested that lieutenant Curtis being interviewed on television to tell his story, but that this idea was quickly blocked by the defense Secretary Cheney, suggesting that the authority of the American command had his doubts on the ability of Curtis to tell a story that is useful for factory of propaganda by the Bush regime. [fn 44]

With incidents of Avenue A, the imposing « war of minds » and « mind control » unit of the American regime went into action. Here Bush was a protégé of his father, Adolf Hitler book sheet. When Hitler wanted to invade the Poland, it ended its military preparations and then staged the infamous provocation, code-named operation canned meat to the radio station Gleiwitz on the German side of the border with the Poland. The Nazis took some German inmates from a prison, and then killed them dressed in Polish uniforms. These bodies were then presented to the press following a deadly raid of poles across the border. Within hours, Hitler had issued a declaration of war from early morning. Bush has shown that his pedigree was acquired in the same school.

Bush gave the final order for the attack on Sunday, December 17. He made a series of ramblings set out regarding the sexual abuse alleged by Ms. Curtis and it was obvious that racist hysteria was being obtained so active. In his speech at 07:20 on December 21, 1989 announcing the American invasion, said Bush: *.

Several attempts were made to resolve this crisis through diplomacy and negotiation. All were rejected by the dictator of the Panama, general Manuel Noriega, an accused drug trafficker.

Last Friday, Noriega said his military dictatorship to be in a State of war with the United States and publicly threatened the lives of Americans in the Panama. The following day the forces under his command shot and killed an unarmed American serviceman, wounded another, arrested and brutally beaten a third military American and then brutally interrogated his wife, she threatens to sexual abuse. This was not enough. [fn 45]

On 22 December, Bush asked what had made him decide to launch the attack now. He replied:

I think what changed my mind was the events I mentioned at the meeting of information the American people on it yesterday: the death of the Navy, stunning, really obscene of the Navy lieutenant torture and the threat of sexual abuse and terror imposed on the wife of the lieutenant of the Navy… [fn 46]

Later in the same press conference obsessive Bush returned for the same topic, this time answering a question on the Soviet reaction to the United States to move:

And I need to leave [Gorbachov] soaps also – look, if a U.S. marine was killed, if they kill a U.S. Marine – which is really bad. « And if they threaten and brutalize the wife of an American citizen, sexually threatening wife of lieutenant while kicking him in the groin over and over again, then, Mr Gorbachov, understand, this president will do something.

Blacks and mestizos are the vast majority of the population of the Panama. The image of main enemy was built around the figure of Noriega, who was ridiculed as a « pineapple » in the American media loyal to Bush. Noriega, however, was not the only target: Francisco Rodriguez, President of the Panama, pro-Noriega was, like Noriega, a Métis, while Minister of Government and justice, the Minister of the Treasury, and the Minister of labour were all black. The Foreign Minister was of Chinese descent, as the head of the small air force. A number of colleagues PDF leaders of Noriega was black. On the other hand, Guillermo Endara, the new American president puppet who was now adminiustered his oath of office by the US on an American military base military, was white and white was his escort, including first Vice President Ricardo Arias Calderon and second vice president Guillermo « Billy » Ford. There would be only a non-white in the new Endara wardrobe, a black woman who was Minister of education. The rest of US assets belonged to the oligarchy the Panama white, rabiblancos or « rabbits », which had ruled the country with supreme incomptence and maximum corruption until the advent of the Nationalist revolution of general Omar Torrijos, Noriega boss, in 1968. Endara, was among the «BMW» revolutionaries who had participated in anti-Noriega demonstrations only in the comfort of their air-conditioned limousines. It was the kind of Bush’s people. One of the soldatesca of Bush to Panama, general Marc Cisneros, boasted that the Panamanians ‘need to have a small infusion of values Anglo.  »

U.S. military operations, which got underway just after midight Tuesday, were conducted with uncommon ferocity. The officers were obsessed with avoiding a repeat of the fiasco of a desert on 1980, or fratricidal losses of Grenada. Mad Max Thurman sent in new Stealth and A-7 fighter-bombers and helicopter gunships AC-13. Autour Comandancia de Noriega, called El Chorillo neighborhood was bombed with a vengeance and practically shaved, as was the working-class district of San Miguelito and large parts of the city of Colon. American commanders had ordered that Bush wants to avoid at all costs the American victims, and that any hostile fire should be answered by overwhelming fire American power, irrespective of the number of civilian casualties that might produce among Panamanians. Many Panamanian civilians were secretly buried in unmarked mass graves for the dead of the night by US forces; many other organizations have been consumed in the Holocaust of the fires that leveled El Chorillo. The seismology Institute counted 417 bursts of bomb in the city of Panama only during the first 14 hours of the invasion. For several days, there is no estimate US of dead civilians (or « collateral damage »), and finally the Bush regime fixed the number of deaths to non-combatants Panamanian to slightly more than 200. In fact, as Executive Intelligence Review and the US Attorney general Ramsay Clark pointed out, there were about 5 000 civilian innocent victims, including many women and children.

US forces rounded up to 10 000 political opponents suspected of ‘democracy’ and them incarcerated in concentration camps, many of them calling for prisoners of war. Many political prisoners were held for months after the invasion without being charged with any specific offence, a flagrant violation of the norms of habeas corpus. The economic ravages of 30 months US sanctions and economic warfare, as well as the results of the bombing, fighting and brandons, had taken an estimated $7 billion out of the Panamanian economy, in which severe poverty was the lot of most people outside the rabiblanco of bankers who have been the main support to the intervention by Bush. The bombing left 15 000 homeless. The Endara Government purged thousands of officials and civil servants under the pretext that they had been tainted by their association with Noriega. Ironically, the new American puppet regime could only be described as a congeries of drug pushers and drug money launderers. The summary was provided by the International Herald Tribune on February 7, 1990, who said: ‘new president Guillermo Endara of the nation has for years a Director of Panamanian banks used by Colombia drug traffickers. Guillermo Ford, second vice-president and Chairman of the Banking Committee, is co-owner of the Florida Dadeland Bank, which was named in a court case from two years as a central financial institution for one of the largest Medellin money launderers, Gonzalo Mora. Rogelio Cruz, the new attorney general, has been a Director of the First Bank Interamericas, owned by Rodrguez Orejuela, one of the bosses of the gang from the Cali Cartel in Colombia. « The corpulent Endara was also the trading partner and corporate attorney for Carlos Almaran Eric rooms, the CIA already mentioned bagman. Eftekhari Almaran, the Panamanian branch owner of tobacco Philip Morris was arraigned in Bibb County, by DEA officials who accused him of conspiracy to import 600 kilograms of cocaine a month to the United States and set up shell companies to launder the estimated $300 million in profits that this project was supposed to produce. Eric was first released on bail of $8 million; After the ‘success’ of the Panama invasion, all charges against him have been ordered dropped by Bush and Thornburgh. Heart of Bush was out in his speech of war December 21, mainly to push drug Billy Ford: « you remember those horrific images of head covered by newly elected Vice President Ford at the foot in blood, beaten mercilessly by the so-called »dignity battalions.’  » Bush, it seems, has ever wanted to beat up a drug pusher.

With regard to the first vice-president of Endara, Ricardo Arias Calderon, his brother, Jaime Arias Calderón, was president of First Interamericas bank when it was controlled by the Cali cartel. Jaime Arias Calderón was also co-owner of the Banco Continental, who laundered $40 million in drug money, of which a portion was used to finance the activities of the opposition anti-Noriega. Thus, all most important newly-installed puppet of Bush were involved in drug trafficking.

The invasion presented very difficult times for Bush. Since the beginning of the operation in late December 20 until Christmas Eve, the imposing appliance martial American had proved unable to locate and capture Noriega. US Southern Command was terrified when a few loyalists Noriega launched a surprise attack on U.S. Headquarters with mortars, the media personnel who had been grinding their broadcast propaganda.

There was great fear by the U.S. command that Noriega had completed a plan for the PDF document melt away cash weapons and secret bases in the Panamanian jungle for a prolonged guerrilla war effort. As it turned out, Noriega had failed to give the order to disperse. The reason is more informative: Noriega had planned a move to the United States, but refused to credit the overwhelming evidence that the United States launched an invasion on a large scale to completely dismantle the PDF and occupying the whole of the Panamanian territory. Noriega remained convinced until very late in the day that the aggression of the United States would be limited to a raid of commando devoted mainly to the removal or the assassination of Noriega and some key lieutenants. In this area, Noriega joined the company of the Shah of Iran, President Marcos of the Philippines and Saddam Hussein in the Iraq, who have been unable to understand the true extent of the commitment of the United States to overthrow their regimes (or, in the case of the Iraq, lay waste to a large part of the country). This is the main reason why the PDF cannot execute its plan to disperse and regroup in the jungle.

As the eve of Christmas was approaching, and Noriega had not yet been eliminated, a hysterical whining more colorful public statements by Bush. In his December 22 press conference, Bush was extremely agitated and opened the complaining: « I have a short release, which will be followed by a brief press conference, because I have a pain in the neck. Seriously. « Bush has refused to discuss the details of this pain. Was it a symptom of thyroid disease, which was diagnosed in early May of 1991? It is difficult to determine, but the hyperthyroid mood there no confusion Bush. Its response to the first inevitable question to stalk the demonized Noriega:

I’ve been frustrated that it has been in power this long – extraordinarily frustrated. The good news: it is out of power. The bad news: it has not yet been brought to justice. So I have to say, there is a certain level of frustration on this account. The good news, though. This is the beginning of the Government to function and human control no force, and it came out. But, Yes, I’ll be satisfied until we see coming to justice.

Noriega was irrelevant, Bush attempted to suggest, since both his Government and the army had ceased to exist, but Bush was not convinced. He fears a long day of Christmas past by you by 80 million families, with no news except football scores and the mortified consternation of American diet Noriega had managed to escape. Then, on the evening of 24 December, it was reported that Noriega, a Uzi machine gun armed, made his way unchallenged and undetected at the Papal Nunciature in Panama where he had sought and obtained political asylum. There is no report of how far George Bush not gnawed in the Bigelows of the White House after hearing that news, but it is clear that there was significant damage to the thick in the Oval Office.

Iron arm which develops then wrapped the hereditary war of the Bush with the Holy See and the Roman Catholic Church family. For eight days, U.S. troops surrounded the Nunciature, which they proceeded to bombard of deafening decibel of explicitly Satanic heavy metal and other music hard rock, which, according to some reports, had been personally selected by mad Max Thurman to « Disturbing Noriega and the Nuncio, » Bishop LaBoa. Noriega was reputed to be an opera lover.

At the same time, Bush ordered the Department of State to perform genuine acts of banditry by making threatening statements to the Holy See. It became clear that Catholics, religious, priests of the monks and the prelates would soon be in danger in many ibero-American countries. Nevertheless, the Vatican refused to expel Noriega of the Nunciature in accordance with the U.S. requirements. Forces of Bush to the Panama had shown that they were willing to play fast and loose with diplomatic immunity. A number of foreign embassies have been burglarized by our troops while they were frantically for Noriega, and the Cuban and the embassies of the Nicaragua were banded with tanks and troops in an awkward gesture of intimidation. It is clear that, in this context, Bush considered the assault of the Nunciature by U.S. forces. Perhaps it was deterred by the political consequences in the world, it would have been faced. When the German Wehrmacht occupied Rome during the war of 1943-44, Hitler had never dared to order an incursion into the territory of the Vatican. Bush could face the stigma of having ordered that Hitler himself had excluded? At this point, Bush criminal energy failed him, and he had to seek other options.

It was hard days for Bush. On December 27, he gave another press conference in which he asked:

Q: Do you not fear that Mr. Noriega may disclose any information from the CIA that could embarrass you or the Government?

Bush: No.

Q: absolutely nothing?

Bush: I do not think. I think that it is history and I think the main thing is that he should be tried and brought to justice and that we pursue this course without fear of it. You know, we can enter in any publication of certain confidential documents, that he may deem side blind the whole process of justice, but the system works, so I wouldn’t worry that.

Q: You open the documents that it might require so that there would no doubt that there has been in other cases?

Bush: In there is enough to see that he gave a completely fair trial.

Day of the year was excruciating for Bush, because it is another holiday spent at home with football scores are only speculation on how long Noriega would escape to the legions of Bush. Refusal to manifest from the Vatican to expel Noriega seemed to deprive the aggression of Bush’s his whole moral justification: If Noriega was what Bush argued, why Pope Jean Paul II has refused to honour the imperative US demand for custody? While Bush squirms in agony waiting for the Rose Bowl at the end, he began to think once more the power of the people.

In Panama City, Endara forces – Ford – Arias Calderon has mobilized their BMW base and hired hundreds of people who had nothing to eat for demonstrations by activists outside the Nunciature. They were generously stocked with us special forces and other commandos dressed in civilian clothes. As the protests grew more menacing and American and tank troops made no move to prevent them, it was clear that U.S. forces are preparing to stage a violent but « spontaneous » assault by the masses on the Nunciature which would include the assassination of Noriega and the small group of his colleagues who had accompanied him in this building. At that time Bishop Laboa warned Noriega, « you might be lynched as Mussolini. » Noriega appears to have concluded that remaining in the Nunciature meant certain death for himself and his subordinates at the hands of U.S. commandos operating under the guise of the crowd. LaBoa and other religious personnel of the Nunciature would also be in great danger. On January 3, 1990, after thanking LaBoa and giving him a letter to the Pope, Noriega, dressed in the uniform of the overall sound, left the Nunciature and handed over to Gen. Cisneros.

In the speech of Bush on 20 December, he offered the following justification for his act of war, operation Just Cause:

The objectives of the United States were to preserve the lives of the Americans, to defend democracy in the Panama, to combat drug trafficking and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal Treaty.

If there were goals, Bush of Panama invasion must be considered not only a crime, but also a failure.

April 5, 1991, newspapers in all of Latin America held details of a new report by the U.S. Drug Administration Enfocrement, confirming that the installed puppet Panama Guillermo Endara U.S. President, had been an officer of at least six companies that had been clearly involved in laundering drug money. It was the Banco General and Banco de Colombia, the Union Bank of Switzerland, the Banco Aleman, primer Banco de Ahorros, Sudameris, Banaico, Banco del Istmo. The laundered money came from a network of drug led by Augusto Falcon smuggling and averaging Sahvador Magluta of Colombia, who have smuggled a ton of cocaine a month in Florida over the 1977-87 decade, including a large number of the years during which Bush famous South Florida Task Force and related transactions were exploited.

With President puppet so heavily involved in the international drug mafia activity, it may be no surprise that the scourge of illegal drugs has significantly worsened following the invasion of Bush. According to the independent of 5 March 1991 London, ‘ statistics now indicate that since the departure of general Noriega, cocaine trafficking has, in fact, have prospered « in the country.  » On 1 March, the State Department admitted that the turnover of drug money laundered in the Panama resumed at levels reached before the invasion of 1989. According to the Los Angeles Times on April 28, 1991, the current levels of drug trafficking in the Panama « in some cases go beyond » what existed before the invasion on 20 December, and American officials « say the trend is clearly upward and includes serious movements by Colombian cartels in areas largely ignored under Noriega ». This is all true activity drug, and let not the tamales of corn meal wrapped in banana Bush spirit experts war found in one of the residences of Noriega and tagged as « cocaine » during the invasion.

Invasion of Panama Bush did nothing to combat the scourge of illegal narcotics. Instead, the fact that that many of the Bush hand-picked puppets can be shown to be better figures in the drug mafia suggests that trafficking of drugs through Panama to the United States increased after the ouster of Noriega. If shipments of drugs to the United States increased, this exposes the Bush pledge to « protect the lives of the Americans » as a lie.

What is the promise of democracy, it should be underlined that Panama remained under the military dictatorship of the US direct and virtual martial law so far at the end of the fall of 1991, two years after Bush adventure was launched. The elections Congress and local which took place during early 1991 were carefully orchestrated by the American occupying forces. Army intelligence units interviewed potential voters, and medical battalions were distributing vaccines and medicines to urban and rural populations to encourage them to vote. Every important official of the Panamanian Government of Endara on toward the low a U.S. Army « liaison officers » affected permanently. These agents come from the Department of civic defense team Action-countries of the region (or CA – CAT), a counter-insurgency and a ‘nation building’ device that runs the teams « civic action » raised during the Viet Nam war. CA – CAT officers supervise all departments and supervise same police compound in the city of Panama. The Panamanian defense Forces have been disbanded, and the CA – CAT officers are busy creating a new force, the Fuerza Publica. In December 1990 and January 1991, the coalition led by the United States was preparing to launch its attacks in Iraq, military large-scale demonstrations have been organized by the United States forces in the provinces of Chiriqui, Bocas del Toro, Panama and Colon, in order to intimidate the large Arab populations of these areas, including the United States suspected of sympathizing with the Iraq. Radio stations and newspapers that spoke out against the invasion of American or criticized the puppet regime were jailed or intimidated, as in the case of the editor Escolástico Calvo, which took place in the concentration camps and prisons since a few months after the invasion without an arrest warrant and without specific charges. Trade union rights are non-existent: after a demonstration by 100 000 persons in December 1990 had protested the growing unemployment and plans of Endara « privatize » the State sector by selling off the coast of a song for bankers rabiblanco, all trade union leaders who had organized the March were fired from their jobs, and arrest warrants have been issued against 100 Union by the Government representatives. But even the intrusive military presence was not sufficient to restore stability to the Panama: December 5, 1990, heavily armed American forces were sent in the streets of Panama City to deter a coup that was allegedly being prepared by Eduardo Herrera, the former Chief of police. As the popularity of « Porky » Endara weakens, there are signs that Bush’s State Department is grooming a possible successor to Gabriel Lewis Galindo, the owner of the Banco del Istmo, one of the banks involved in the drug, laundering of.

Following the invasion of Bush, the Panama economy was not rebuilt, but a rather collapsed more in poverty. The Bush administration has set as the first imperative for the puppet regime maintenance of the $6 billion from the Panama debt-servicing international debt. Debt service payments have priority on spending of public works, public health and all other categories. Bush had promised to Panama $2 billion for reconstruction after the invasion, but it then fell to $1 billion. What was finally was only $460 million, which was simply transferred to the banks on Wall Street to support the service of the debt owed by the Panama. The figure of $460 exceeds just the $400 in Panamanian farms which were supposedly frozen by the United States during the period of the economic war against Noriega, but which were then given to the banks of New York, also for debt service payments.

In what concerns the integrity of the Treaty of the Panama Canal by Torrijos and Carter has signed and ratified by the U.S. Senate, a resolution co-sponsored by Republican Senator Bob Dole of Kansas and member of the Congress of GOP Phil Crane of Illinois is currently before Congress that calls on Bush to renegotiate the Treaty in order to enable us military forces to remain in Panama beyond the current December 31 deadline 1999. Since no Panamanian Government could reopen negotiations on the Treaty and survive, this strategy, which seems to benefit from the support of the White House by Bush, involves an American military occupation of not only the former area of the Canal, but first of Panama, for the foreseeable future.

Thus, on all items listed by Bush as basis for its policy – the lives of the Americans, Panamanian democracy, anti-drug operations, and the integrity of the Treaty–Bush got a fiasco. Invasion of Panama Bush will remain as a chapter of shame and infamy in the recent history of the United States.

This book will put pressure, the prosecution presents its evidence in the trial of general Noriega to Miami, Florida. These procedures have been a shocking demonstration of political motivation frameups, State police who are now the rule in U.S. courts. Noriega was presented to the United States thanks to a violent exercise in international abductions. In all cases, the undeniable status of Noriega as a prisoner of war means that in accordance with the Geneva Convention cannot be held criminally responsible before a Court of the United States for actions which predates the opening of hostilities between the United States and the Panama. These open global considerations the way a series of scandalous abuse in the context of the trial itself. After « mind war » plan Bush conducted in cooperation with the controlled news media, it is clear that Noriega could not receive a fair trial anywhere in the United States, due to the impossibility of finding an impartial jury. During the time that Noriega was preparing his defense, the U.S. Department of Justice and the FBI have violated the rights of the defendant under the sixth amendment the tapping and recording of his conversations with his defense lawyers. Attorney Raymond Takiff retained by Noriega as a lawyer, while he was working for the U.S. Department of Justice as a secret informant in undercover sting operations. In its opinion before the political trial outrageously, U.S. District Judge William Hoeveler prohibits all references to Noriega relations with the CIA Director and Vice President George Bush, ruling that Noriega-Bush relationship was irrelevant at the expense of the U.S. Government that Noriega was part of drug trafficking to the United States. Hoeveler provisional decision amounts to a ban on discussion of wrongdoing by the U.S. Government. This tripe defence of Noriega, who is that US agencies and not Noriega, were responsible for the importation of narcotic drugs illegal in the United States as part of the U.S. to support Government policy the contras Nicaraguan, and that the U.S. Government made on February, 1988, indictments against Noriega as part of a political strategy to overthrow him because he refused to join the United States in support of the contras.

The parade of Government witnesses against Noriega includes the usual who’s who of professional perjurers since the federal Witness Protection program. This testimony against Noriega are, almost without exception, the criminals at the mercy of the U.S. Government, which many have agreements relating to plea with federal prosecutors, in which they were treated more leniently in Exchange for their willingness to testify against Noriega. These professional witnesses are a phalanx of the stringers of the CIA and other mercenaries of the perjury wars who received total payments of money of the American taxpayer estimated that anywhere between $1.5 million and $6 million. Maintenance of this stable of witnesses and other court exorbitant costs are not being borne by the presidential campaign of Bush, nor Bush personally, despite the fact that the main objective of the work is retroactively validate atrocity of Bush of December 1989 and to contribute to its efforts to the glorification of self for re-election in 1992. Judge Hoeveler has repealed the usual rules of evidence, admission of hearsay reports on the activities of Noriega as Carlos Lehder celebrity criminals who have never met nor spoken with Noriega. Despite this unprecedented mobilization of the police state apparatus, media as U.S. News and World Report of 23 September 1991 have conceded that the case of the Department of Justice against Noriega is « surprisingly weak », and not friendly to Noriega’s lawyers have said that the first month of the prosecution’s case had completely failed to provide convincing evidence of any violation of U.S. law by Noriega.

Performance of Bush during the Panama crisis was particularly worrying because the President clearly emerging mental imbalance. Several explosions during the press conferences of Noriega had looked like real public adjustments. Racist and sexual obsessions were reaching a critical mass in the subconscious of Bush. These phenomena of rough has not received the attention they deserved of journalists, commentators and experts, who have instead preferred to carefully ignore.

It was during these last days of 1989 which mental disintegration of Bush has become undeniable, foreshadowing more upcoming furors.

Return to Table of contents

NOTES:

1. Washington Post, January 21, 1991.

2 Evans and Novak, « A Note from Saddle River, » Washington Post, April 10, 1989.

3 for « end of the story, » Fukuyama see The National Interest, summer, 1989 and Henry Allen, « the end. »  » Or is it? « , Washington Post, September 27, 1989.

4. Washington Post, December 8, 1988

5. Washington Post, April 17, 1989

6 see Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, « Another Test of loyalty and standards », Washington Post, April 26, 1989 and overseas « booty for GOP Loyalists, » Washington Post, September 22, 1989; and Ann Devroy, « Bush’s appointment of ambassadors in limbo », Washington Post, September 12, 1989.

7. « off footed: Gray takes Baker, » Newsweek, . 10 April 1989.

8 « terrestrial Pursuits of Bush, » Washington Post, November 18, 1988.

9 see the transcript of the statement by Bush and the Press Conference, Washington Post, February 7, 1989; ‘With signs and ceremony, S & L bailout begins’, Washington Post, August 10, 1989; and « Bush: S & l may need more aid, » Washington Post, December 12, 1989.

10. « bush supports increase in IMF funds, » Washington Post, November 23, 1989.

11. « the President defends the rhythm of Administration, » Washington Post, March 8, 1989.

12 see House Democratic Study Group, special report No. 101-45, « the legislation vetoed by the President, » p. 83.

13. Washington Post, April 29, 1990, p. F1.

14 John M. Barry, the Ambition and the power, (New York: Viking Press, 1989), pp. 621-622.

15 Barry, Ambition and power, p. 642.

16. « bush: the President secret, » Newsweek, January 1, 1990.

17. « transcript of a press conference by President Bush, » Washington Post, June 9, 1989.  »

18 press conference Bush, Washington Post, December 22, 1989.

19. « Manuevering mark eve of the »education Summit » », Washington Post, September 27, 1989.

20 Kevin Phillips, « George Bush and the Congress – brain-dead Politics of 89, » Washington Post, October 1, 1989.  »

21. time, October 23, 1989.

22. « bush attacks critical response to the coup d’etat, » Washington Post, October 14, 1989.

23. Congressional Record, 58th Congress, 3rd session, p. 19.

24. see « police state and global policeman: the United States under the Thornburgh Doctrine, » American Leviathan pp. 61-102.

25 Kenneth J. Jones, the enemy within, (Cali, Colombia: Carvajal, 1990), p. 22.

26 Frederick Kempe, « Noriega files », Newsweek, January 15, 1990.

27 Kempe, « Noriega files », p. 19.

28 Frank a. Rubino Esq. and Jon A. May, Esq., Classified Information procedures Act presentation in United States of America against the general manuel A. Noriega, United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, case No. 89-79-CR-HOEVELER, 18 March 1991, hereinafter referred to as Noriega CIPA uttering.

29. « Bush of Noriega returned to the payroll, said Turner, »Washington Post, October 1, 1988.

30 Mike Blair, ‘Mossad Silent Partner,’ spotlight, 13 May 1991.

31 proffer Noriega CIPA, p. 82.

32 Kempe, « Noriega files », p. 23.

33 proffer Noriega CIPA, p. 52.

34 proffer Noriega CIPA, pp. 54-55.

35. « the relationship of Bush-Noriega, » Newsweek, January 15, 1990, pp. 16-17, including the photo of the meeting Bush-Noriega.  »

36. « Panama: atrocities committed by the ‘Big Stick’, » in American Leviathan: Administrative fascism under the Bush regime, (Wiesbaden: EIR News Service, 1990), pp. 39-40.

37. for testimony of Gregg on relations Bush-Noriega, see « testimony on Bush meets with Panama Ambassador, » New York Times, May 21, 1988.

38. «  »Bush help invokes executive privilege, »Washington Post, May 20, 1988. »

39. American Leviathan pp. 41-42.

40. « frontman aid is supposed to have advised Noriega, » Washington Post, January 22, 1989.

41. « Bush Presses to interrupt their talks with Noriega, » Washington Post, may 20, 1988.  »

42 Bob Woodward, commanders, (New York: Simon and Shuster, 1991), p. 89.

43 see « Fact sheet on the American Invasion of the Panama, » U.S., Leviathan p. 46.

44. the commanders, p. 161.

45. the text of the speech by President Bush, Washington Post, December 21, 1989.

46. the text of the Bush Press Conference, Washington Post, December 22, 1989.

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