George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin
Chapter VII- Skull and Bones: the racist nightmare at Yale
« Sage… by statesmen established these great truths to be self-evident that when in a distant future, some human, some faction, certain interests, should set up the doctrine that none but the rich men or none but white men, had right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, their posterity should look again at the declaration of independence and take courage to renew the battle which their fathers began… »@s1
— Abraham Lincoln-
The U.S. Navy delivered George Bush home for good evening of Christmas, 1944; the war in the Pacific is raging on more than half of next year, the Allied forces in Southeast, the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) Asia and islands like Iwo Jima and Okinawa.
Barbara Pierce left Smith College in his year sophomore to marry George. Prescott and mother Bush gave a magnificent prenuptial dinner at the Club area of Greenwich. The wedding took place on January 6, 1945, in the Presbyterian Church in Rye, New York, as the third fleet of the United States bombed the main Philippine island of Luzon in preparation for the invasion. Subsequently, there was a glamorous reception for 300 at Appawamis Country Club. Retro honeymooners at The Cloisters, a hotel five star at Sea Island (Georgia), with pool, tennis and golf.
George next assignment was to train drivers in Norfolk, Virginia Naval Air Station. « George duty […] was the light. As regards other newlyweds, whose husband was between rounds of warzone, it was kind of a prolonged (and paid) honeymoon. « @s2
Given Japan in the month of August. George and Barbara Bush that fall, moved to New Haven where Bush entered Yale University. He and Barbara moved into an apartment at 37 Hillhouse Avenue, across from Yale President Charles Seymour.
The College life was good in George, what he saw of it. An academic career is usually four years. But we know that George Bush is a man in fast motion. Thus, welcomed the ad hoc arrangement for the veterans, whose Yale helped him get his degree after attending classes for only two years.
Bush and his friends remember all affectionately, as representatives of the whole of fashion: « [M] embers of class [Bush] have since sighed with nostalgia for the days of the end of the 1940s… Trolley buses still rumbled through the streets of New Haven. The afternoon fall they would be crowded with students at the Yale Bowl football games, scattering pennies along the way and shouting « scramble » for the children of the street diving for them’ [accent added].@s3
In 1947, Barbara gave birth to Bush, namesake of the President.
At the time of the graduation of 1948, he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, an honor traditionally associated with academic achievement. Much is known on the career of George Bush at Yale, except the part on the books and studies. Unfortunately for those who would consider his intellectual achievements, everything about this was closed sealed and is top secret. The administration of Yale said they were handed over to the custody of the FBI of all academic records of Bush, allegedly because the FBI needs this access to verify the resume@eacute; holders of a large load.
According to all available evidence, his mental life before the College was far from exceptional. His campaign literature claims that, as a veteran, Bush was ‘serious’ at Yale. But we can’t verify exactly how he got the short election to Phi Beta Kappa, in his experience at the College. Without top secret clearance, we cannot see the results of his test, read his essays or learn much about his performance in the class. We know that his father was a trustee of the University, in charge of the fundraising « development ». And his friends of the family were in the control of the U.S. secret service.
Much is known, however, on the situation of George Bush at Yale.
His comrade John H. Chafee, later a U.S. Senator from Rhode Island and the Secretary of the Navy, said: « we don’t see a lot of him because he was married, but I guess my first impression was that it was – and I do not want it pejorative way – in the domestic game, the movers and shakers, the establishment. I mean Sotah Sari or anything, but… just everyone knew him. »
Chafee, as Bush and Dan Quayle, has been in the important national fraternity, Delta Kappa Epsilon (DKE or feints « ‘). But Chafee said: « never, I remember seeing him there. He was not one to hang out with the fellows. « @s4
George Bush, in fact, most important nights at Yale and spent his days in the strange companionship of the skull and bones Society.@s5 years senior
Out of those few who have been selected for membership of the bone, George was the last to be notified of his choice – this honor is traditionally reserved for the highest of the high and powerful.
His father, Prescott Bush, several other parents and partners and Roland and Averell Harriman, who sponsored the Bush family, were also members of this secret society.
Political and financial power no doubt, partner in Skull and Bones has given rise to many popular questions about the nature and the origin of the group. Its members have fuelled the mystery with false leads and silly speculation.
The order was formed in 1856 under the name of « Russell Trust Association. » By a special Act of the State legislature in 1943, the Trustees of the Fund are exempt from the normal requirement of filing of reports of business with the Secretary of State of Connecticut.
From 1978, all the Affairs of the Russell Trust was handled by his trustee lone, Brown Brothers Harriman partner John B. Madden, Jr. Madden started at Brown Brothers Harriman in 1946, as the senior partner Prescott Bush, father of George Bush.
Each year, members of Skull and Bones choose (‘tap’) 15 Yale student’s third year to replace them in the main group the following year. Graduate members receive a significant bonus to help engage in life. Older graduate members, so-called « Patriarchs, » support task in business, policy, espionage and legal careers to Bonesmen graduates who show talent or usefulness.
The House of Skull and Bones on the Yale campus is a stone building that looks like a mausoleum and known as « the tomb ». Initiations were held on the island of deer in the St.-Laurent (an island belonged to the Russell Trust Association), with regular meetings on Deer Island and at Yale. Initiation rites include would have been difficult and traumatic the new Member activities while immersed naked in the mud and in a coffin. More important is the « sexual autobiography »: the insider tells the order all the secrets of the sex of her young life. Weakened defenses against mental manipulation, and the potential of blackmail by these information, have obvious permanent uses to enforce loyalty among members.
Loyalty is intense. A former teacher of Bush, whose own father was a member of Skull and Bones, told our interviewer that his father used to stab her little brooch Skull and Bones in his skin to keep it in place when he took a bath.
Members continue throughout their lives to unburden himself on their thoughts of psycho-sexual their brothers to the bone, even if they are sitting is no longer in a coffin. This was the case with President George Bush, why these links are reported to have a deeply personal meaning. Beyond the psychological manipulation associated mummery Masonic, there is a very strong political reasons for Bush strong identification with this cult.
Observers of the skull and bones, the apologists and critics, agreed the misleading notions about the order. There are two circulations, among these lies:
(1) whereas it is primarily an American , an Assembly of rich elites ‘Patriots’ group; This is indeed, an agency for the penetration of the British Empire and the subversion of the American Republic; and
(2) that it is somehow the unique conspiratorial Control Center on the United States. This misconception is certainly understandable, given the rather astonishing number of powerful, historically significant, and grotesquely anti-human, individuals who are out of Skull and Bones. But in fact, there are congruent organizations at other colleges Ivy League, reflecting, like Skull and Bones, the primordial oligarchic power of several families of financial heavily everything.
Incorrect, speculative concepts can be rectified by examining the history of Skull and Bones, seen in the reality of the Establishment of the American East.
Skull and bones – the Russell Trust Association – was created between the graduate class of Yale in 1833. Its founder was William Huntington Russell from Middletown, Connecticut. The Russell family was the master of untold riches, derived from the largest U.S. criminal organization of the 19th century: Russell and company, the Union of the great opium.
There were at this time a deep mistrust and national revulsion against Freemasonry and secret organizations in the United States, promoted in particular by the anti-Masonic writings of former United States President John Quincy Adams. Adams stressed that those who take oaths to international secret societies politically powerful cannot be depended on loyalty to a Democratic Republic.
But the Russells were protected under the reunification of families, then to Connecticut power (see chart) multiply – married. Members of blood-proud of Russell, Pierpont, Edwards, Burr, Griswold, day, families Alsop and Hubbard have been important in the pro-British party within the State. Many of their sons would be among the members selected for the Skull and Bones Society over the years.
The context of the Skull and Bones is a story of Opium and Empire and a fierce struggle for control policy on the new American Republic.
Samuel Russell, cousin to the second degree to the founder of the OS William H. Russell and company was established in 1823. His company would acquire the opium of Turkey and he smuggled into China, where it was strictly forbidden, under the protection of the British Empire.
The American gang prior, predominant in this area had been the Union created by Thomas Handasyd Perkins of Newburyport, Massachusetts, an aggregation of the self-proclaimed ‘blue bloods’ or the north shore of Boston Brahmins. Driven from the lucrative African slaves by American law and the revolts of slaves from the Caribbean, the leaders of the Cabot Lowell, Higginson, Forbes, Cushing and Sturgis families had married children and brothers and sisters of Perkins. The opium syndicate Perkins made the fortune and establishes the power of these families. In the 1830s, the Russells had purchased the Perkins Union and made Connecticut the primary focus of the racket of opium to the United States. Families of Massachusetts (Coolidge, Sturgis, Forbes and Delano) joined the Connecticut (Alsop) and « passer » in New York (bass) – millionaires under the auspices of Russell.
* Some of the views families Boston opium, such as Cabot and welding, do step Affiliate directly with Russell, Connecticut and Yale, but identified instead with Harvard.
John Quincy Adams and other Patriots fought these men for a quarter of a century at the time wherever the Russell Trust Association was put in place with its open pirate emblem – Skull and Bones.
British officers of the Bank business and shipping family, the old Tories New England had continued their hostility to American independence after the revolutionary war, 1775-83. This so-called conservative Patriots proclaimed presidential inauguration of Thomas Jefferson 1801 « radical usurpation ».
The Massachusetts Tories (« Essex Junto ») is associated with Vice President Aaron Burr, Jr. (member of the family Edwards of Connecticut and Pierpont) and cousin of Burr and spouse Theodore Dwight, in political movements designed to break up in the United States and return to British allegiance.
American nationalist leader, former Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton, outlined the plan in 1804. Burr shot him to death in a duel, then led a famous aborted plot to form a new empire in the Southwest, with territory to be torn apart from the United States and the Spanish Mexico. For the « blue bloods, » the romantic figure of Aaron Burr was never subsequently the symbol of British feudal revenge against the American Republic.
Connecticut Tory families hosted the famous Hartford Convention in 1815, towards the end of the second war between the United States and Britain (war of 1812). The defensive military victory of America, their secessionist propaganda has rendered powerless. This faction and then withdrew from the political arena open, continuing instead of fully private and secret alliances with the British Empire. Incestuous families throughout Massachusetts and Connecticut to join the British East India Company in opium trafficking criminal in China. These families made the increased profits as partners and substitutes for the British during the bloody 1839-42 Opium War, privateering of British forces against the Chinese defenders.
Samuel and William Huntington Russell were calm builders, beware of the power of their faction. Gangster opium intimate colleague Samuel Russell wrote about her:
While he lived, no friend of his would mention his name in the press. In China, he lived for about twenty-five years almost as a hermit, barely known outside its plant [composed Canton warehouse] with the exception of the chosen few who enjoyed her privacy and by his good friend, Hoqua [Director of Chinese security for the British East India Company], but trade studies in its most broad sense , but also in every detail. Back home with a well-deserved wealth, he lived with hospitality in the middle of his family and a small inner circle. Contemptuous words and claims from the bottom of his heart, it was the truest and most loyal of friends; Hating the fame, he could always absolutely count on him for any good work that doesn’t involve advertising.
Russells skull and Bones Society was the most important of their national projects « which did not involve advertising. »
A type of police-blotter of organization of Russell review will show why agenda secret, although powerful, was not the only body of « conspiracy » for the creation of the American East. The following gentlemen were Russells partners include:
· Augustine heard (1785-1868): ship captain and pioneer American opium « smuggler ».
· John Cleve Green (1800-75): married to Sarah Griswold; has given a fortune to the profits of opium at Princeton University, three funding buildings of Princeton and four posts of teachers; trustee of the Princeton Theological Seminary for 25 years.
· ABIEL Abbott low (1811-93): his fortune of opium has financed the construction of the campus of Columbia University New York City; father of the President of the Colombia-Seth Low.
· John Murray Forbes (1813-98): his opium of the million funded by the career of author Waldo, who married the daughter of Forbes and funded the creation of the Bell telephone company, whose first president was the son of Forbes.
· Joseph Coolidge: his agency heard Augustine got $10 million per year as substitutes for dope-runners Scottish Jardine Matheson during the fighting in China; his son held the United Fruit Company; his grandson, Archibald Cary Coolidge, is a founding leader of the Anglo-American Council on Foreign Relations.
· Warren Delano, Jr. as head of Russell and co. in Canton; grandfather of U.S. president Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
· Russell Sturgis: his grandson of the same name, was president of the Baring Bank in England, financiers of the opium from the far East trade.
These people as John C. Green and A.A. Low, whose names adorn various buildings at Princeton and Columbia University, little attempt to hide the criminal origins of their money influence. In the same way with the Caboto, the Higginsons and welds of Harvard. Secret groups at other colleges are similar and closely related to the skull and bones of Yale.
Princeton has its « eating clubs », especially Ivy Club and Club’s Cottage, oligarchic tradition crosses of Jonathan Edwards and Aaron Burr the Dulles brothers. At Harvard, there is the ultra-blue-blooded Porcelian (also known as the club of pork or pork); Theodore Roosevelt boasted to the German Kaiser from its membership of Franklin Roosevelt was a member of the Club to steal a little more « weak ».
Some of the first initiates in Skull and Bones have careers in clear disregard of the oligarchic character of the order; two of these were scientists Benjamin Silliman Jr. (skull and bones 1837) and William Chauvenet (skull and bones 1840). This reflects the continuing importance of Republican factions at Yale, Harvard and other colleges in the middle of the last three decades of the 19th century. Silliman and Chauvenet became enemies of all Skull and Bones defended, while Yale secret group quickly meets the expectations of the Russells.
Yale has been facilitated by the so-called aristocrats South slaveowning northern college. South of Yale students were later Calhoun, the famous defender of the South Carolina of slavery against the nationalism and Judah P. Benjamin, later Secretary of State for confederates of the slavers.
Young Carolinian of South Joseph Heatly Dulles, whose family bought their slaves with the money of the security contract to work for the British conquerors in India, was in a previous secret Yale group, the « company of the brothers in unity ». Yale Dulles worked with Northern secessionists and attached himself to Daniel Lord; their two families together like a gang clove. The Lords have become powerful Anglo-American Wall Street lawyers, and grandson of J.H. Dulles was the father of John Foster and Allen Dulles.
In 1832 – 1833, Skull and Bones was launched under the flag of pirate of Russell.
Among the first initiates of the order were Henry Rootes Jackson (S & B 1839), a leader of the 1861 Secession Convention the Georgia and the post-war civil war President of the historical society of Georgia so false accounts « old-time slavery » (and « bad invaders from the North »); John Perkins, Jr. (S & B 1840), President of the Convention of Secession 1861 Louisiana, who fled abroad for 13 years after the civil war; and William Taylor Sullivan Barry (S & B 1841), a national leader of the breakaway wing of the Democratic Party in the 1850s and president of the Convention of 1861 Secession of Mississippi.
Alphonso Taft was a Bonesman alongside William H. Russell in the class of 1833. As US Attorney General in 1876-77, Alphonso Taft helped organize the sliding colony of the 1876 presidential election deadlocked. The case gave Rutherford B. Hayes the Presidency (1877-81) and withdrew U.S. troops from the South, where they were to uphold the rights of blacks.
Son of Alphonso, William Howard Taft (S & B 1878), was president of the United States from 1909 to 1913. Son of president Taft, Robert Alphonso Taft (S & B 1910), was a U.S. Senator leading after the second world war; racial/ancestral Anglo-Saxon family preoccupation was the disease that crippled the leadership of Robert Taft of the American nationalist « conservative ».
Other Bonesmen of civil war were:
· William M. Evarts (S & B 1837): Attorney of Wall Street for British grandmaster and the South, collaborator of Taft in the 1876 bargain, projects US Secretary of State 1877-81;
· Morris R. Waite (S & B 1837): the Chief Justice of the supreme Court of the United States 1874-88, including judgments destroyed many of the rights of African-Americans in the civil war; He helped his cohorts Taft and Evarts organize the 1876 presidential colonization scheme to make implementation of the rights of U.S. troops from the South;
· Daniel Coit Gilman (S & B 1852): co founder of the Russell Trust; Founder and President of Johns Hopkins University as a major centre for racist eugenics;
· Andrew (S & B 1853): founder and President of Cornell University; Psychic researcher; and diplomatic oligarchies Venetian, Russian and British cohort;
· Chauncey M. Depew (S & B 1856): general counsel for railway Vanderbilt, he helped the Harriman family to enter high society.
By the mid-1880s, the list of members of Skull and Bones began to change from his earlier, often ‘learned’ coloring, This change reflects the deterioration of the political and economic life American by a racist and imperialist, neo-pagan ideology.
Irving Fisher (S & B 1888) became the high priest racist of the Faculty of economic sciences (Professor of Yale 1896-1946) and a famous merchant in the British Empire of propaganda for free trade and the reduction of the population non-white. Fisher has been president and founder of the American Society of eugenics under the financial largesse of the mother of Averell Harriman.
Gifford Pinchot (S & B 1889) invented the « conservation » movement aristocrats. He was Chief Forester of president Theodore Roosevelt, substituting the federal land-control in place of creation of Lincoln farm free-land-to-family program. Empire of the Psychical Research Society included Pinchot and activism his Vice-Presidency of the first International Congress of eugenics in 1912.
Help Pinchot initiate racist environmentalism of this century were his cohorts of George w. Woodruff (S & B 1889), of Teddy Roosevelt attorney general Deputy and Secretary of the Interior acting; and the graves of Solon Henry (S & B 1892), Chief Forester American 1910-20. Frederick E. Weyerhauser (S & B 1896), owner of vast tracts of American forest, was a follower of the movement of Pinchot, while the Weyerhauser family was active collaborators of British-South African Super racist Cecil Rhodes. The friendship of this family with President George Bush is a crucial factor in the current environmental movement.
With Henry L. Stimson (S & B 1888) we arrive at the Eastern liberal establishment that ruled the America during the 20th century. Stimson was Secretary of war by President Taft (1911-13) and Secretary of State for President Herbert Hoover (1929-33). As Secretary of war (1940-45), this time under president Harry Truman, Stimson urged Truman to drop the atomic bomb on the Japan. This decision involved much more than simply « pragmatic » military considerations. These Anglophiles, upward through George Bush, opposed to tradition of the American Republic of alliance with national aspirations in Asia; and that they feared that the invention of nuclear energy could destabilize too powerfully tolerance of the world for the poverty and misery. The United States and the atom had better be fearsome, they thought.
This century owes much of his recording of the horrors to families influential Anglophile American who came to dominate and use the Skull and Bones Society as an agency of political recruitment, in particular the Harrimans, Whitney, Vanderbilt, Rockefeller and their lawyers, the Lords and the Tafts and the Bundys.
Politically aggressive Guaranty Trust Company, run almost entirely by Skull and Bones insiders, was a financial vehicle of these families in the early 1900s. Support of Guaranty Trust for the revolutions Bolshevik and Nazi rode the most intense efforts in these areas by Harrimans, George Walker and Prescott Bush a few blocks farther and in Berlin.
Skull and bones has dominated 1913 from by the circles of Averell Harriman. They moved remaining traditionalists like Douglas MacArthur of the United States power.
For George Bush, skull and bones society is more than simply the British tradition, as opposed to America, strategic. It is merged into family and personal network within which his life was, in a sense, he provided pre-packaged.
Great Britain the Yale Flying unit
During the student of Prescott Bush, Harriman at Yale all decided that the war was enough fun that they should go in as hobbies. They have formed a special unit of Yale of the Naval Reserve Flying Corps, under the leadership of F. Trubee Davison. Since the United States was not at war, and Yale students would serve as Great Britain, the Yale unit was plenty and the private sector financed by the father of F. Trubee, Henry Davison, senior managing partner at J.P. Morgan and Co. At that time, the Morgan Bank was the official financial agent for the British Government in the United States. Head of the Yale unit was amateur driver Robert A. Lovett. They were based first on Long Island, New York, and then to Palm Beach, Florida.
The Yale unit was described by family and friends in a collective biography of all of Harriman Lovett:
Training for the flight of Yale unit was not exactly boot camp. Father of Bryce Davison… helped to finance their royally, and newspapers of the time nicknamed the « unit the millionaires’. » They have cut the debauchees figures and knew that some dismissed as dilettante, the heart of the beautiful young Long Island floated at the sight…
[En] Palm Beach… they continued ostentatiously a casual style. « They have rolled in wheelchairs by African slaves in tropical gardens and coconut palms, » wrote the historian of unity… « for light exercise, they have learned to look on their new wrist watches with an air of easy nonchalance »… [Lovett] was appointed head of private club for the device, the Wags, whose members began their sentence, « being a Wag and, therefore, a Superman »… « .
Despite the sarcastic comments of those who dismissed as frivolous, unit rich boys Lovett turned to be bold and imaginative warriors when they were sent for active service in 1917 with the Royal Naval Air Service.@s6 of the Great Britain
Lovett was transferred to the U.S. Navy after the United States joined Britain in the war.
The flight of Yale unit was the Skull and Bones glory. Roland Harriman, Prescott Bush and their Bonesmates of 1917 selected to membership in 1918 in the secret order these heads of Yale flying unit: Robert Lovett, F. Trubee Davison, Artemus lamb Gates and John Martin Vorys. Flyers unit David Sinton Ingalls and F. Trubee brother, Harry P. Davison (who became Vice-Chairman of Morgan), have been exploited for the Skull and Bones 1920.
Lovett did not actually have a senior year at Yale: « he was tapped for Skull and Bones on the Campus of the former, but to a naval base in West Palm Beach; her initiation, instead of carried in the ‘grave’ on the High Street, which took place at the headquarters of the Group’s bombing of the North Sea between Dunkerque and Calais. « @s7
A few years later, Averell Harriman met Lovett, Prescott Bush and other animals in the community of the oligarchs utopian a few miles north of Palm Beach, called Jupiter Island (see Chapter 4).
British Empire Loyalists flew right of the Yale unit in US strategymaking positions:
· F. Trubee Davison was US Under-Secretary of war for Air from 1926 to 1933. David S. Ingalls (on the Council of the Pan American Airways of Jupiter Island) was at the same time Assistant Secretary of the Navy for Aviation (1929-32). After the American Congress of Hitlerite eugenics 1932 of the natural history museum, Davison resigned his Air Government post to become Chairman of the Museum. Then, under the regime of the national security of Harriman-Lovett from the beginning of the 1950s, F. Trubee Davison became the Director of Personnel for the central new agency of Intelligence.
· Robert Lovett was Assistant Secretary of War for Air from 1941 to 1945.
· Lovett 1918 Bonesmate Artemus Gates (selected by Prescott and his companions) became Assistant Secretary of the Navy for Air in 1941. Gates has retained this post throughout the second world war until 1945. Having a man like Gates up there, which was its position to Averell, Bob, Prescott and their game, which is quite reassuring to young naval aviator George Bush; especially so, when Bush would have to worry about the record being correct regarding the controversial fatal accident.
Other Bonesmen Important
· Richard M. Bissell, Jr. was a man very important for the inhabitants of Jupiter Island.
He graduated from Yale in 1932, a year after the Harrimanites bought the island. But not in the Skull and Bones, Bissell is the younger brother of William Truesdale Bissell, a Bonesman of the class of 1925. Their father, general insurance-Richard M. Bissell, SR., Connecticut had put US insurance industry inside knowledge of all industrial installations of fire provided available to government planners during the first world war.
The high Bissell, a former powerful of Yale, was also the Director of the Neuro-psychiatric Institute of the Hartford for the insane retreat; There, in 1904, graduated Yale Clifford Beers underwent treatment destructive spirit that led this mentally ill to found the society for mental hygiene, a major project of Skull and Bones on Yale. This will evolve in the CIA from the 1950s cultural engineering effort, drugs and adventure brainwashing called « MK-Ultra. »
Richard M. Bissell, Jr. studied at the London School of Economics in 1932 and 1933 and taught at Yale from 1935 to 1941. He then joined the entourage of Harriman in the Government of the United States. Bissell was an economist for the combined Shipping Adjustment Board in 1942-1943, while Averell Harriman was the American leader of this Council in London.
In 1947 and 1948, Bissell was Executive Secretary of the Commission « Harriman, » otherwise known as the Presidential Commission on foreign aid. When Harriman was the administrator of the Marshall Plan, Bissell was Assistant Administrator.
Harriman was the Director of the mutual security (1951-53), while Bissell has been a consultant to the Director of 1952 mutual security.
Bissell then joined F. Trubee Davison at the Central Intelligence Agency. When Allen Dulles became CIA Director, Bissell was one of his three assistants.
Why is – this could be of interest to our friends in Florida? We saw in Chapter 4, that the great initiative secret anti-Castro 1959-61 has been supervised by an impressive array of officials of Harriman. We must now add to this assessment only the fact that the detailed management of the invasion of Cuba and the planning of the assassination and the formation of bands for these works, was given in the hands of the Richard M. Bissell, Jr.
This invasion of 1961 failed. Fidel Castro has survived plots to assassinate widely discussed against him. But the initiative has managed what was probably his vocation: organize a force of assassins professional multi-use.
The killers of Florida formed remained in the company under the direction of Ted Shackley. They were all around the assassination of President Kennedy in 1963. They continued with the massacre of Vietnamese civilians Operation Phoenix with Middle East drug and terrorist programs and wars Contra George Bush in Central America.
· Harvey Hollister Bundy (S & B 1909) was Assistant Secretary of State Henry L. Stimson (1931-33); then it was special Deputy Secretary of Stimson, war, alongside Assistant Secretary Robert Lovett of skull and bones and the Brown Brothers Harriman.
Harvey son of William P. Bundy (S & B 1939) was an officer of the CIA from 1951 to 1961; official Defense of the 1960s, he pushed the regime of Harriman-Dulles for the Viet Nam war. Other son Harvey McGeorge Bundy (S & B 1940), co-author of memoirs of Stimson in 1948. As Director of the national security of President John Kennedy, McGeorge Bundy organized the whitewash of the Kennedy assassination and immediately switched U.S. pullout of Kennedy policy down to the Viet Nam war.
· There were also Henry Luce, a Bonesman of 1920 with David S. Ingalls and Harry Pomeroy. Luce published the magazine Time , where his « American Century » ironically named bluster was straight Empire British doctrine: bury the republics, the Anglo-Saxon conquest of hail.
· William Sloane Coffin, tapped for 1949 Skull and Bones by George Bush and his companions of the bone, was from a long line of Skull and Bones coffins. William Sloane Coffin was famous the days of protest at the Viet Nam as a leader of the protest against the war left. It is the fact that it was an embarrassing Central Intelligence Agency agent of William Sloane?
There was no contradiction. His uncle, the reverend Henry Sloane Coffin (S & B 1897), was also a shaker of ‘peace’ and an oligarchic agent. Uncle Henry has been President of 20 years from the Union Theological Seminary, whose Chairman was Prescott Bush Thatcher Brown partner. In 1937, Henry Coffin and John Foster Dulles led the U.S. delegation to England to found the World Council of churches, as a « peace movement » guided by the pro-Hitler in England faction.
The coffins were the pillars of the liberal lobby death, euthanasia and eugenics. Coffins defeated Hitler, you arrive at the CIA in the 1950s.
·Amory Howe Bradford (S & B 1934) married Carol Warburg Rothschild in 1941. Mother of Carol, Carola, was recognized family Warburg in America after the second world war. This family had helped mounted the Harrimans worldwide in the nineteenth and early twentieth century; in conjunction with the Sulzbergers at the New York Times, they used their American Jewish Committee and B’ B’nai B’rith to protect the Harriman-Bush deals with Hitler. This is beautiful for Averell Harriman, as family, when Amory Howe Bradford has worked on the planning group of the Secretariat of the NATO of Harriman in London, 1951-52. Bradford was meanwhile Assistant to the editor of the New York Timesand became general manager of the time.
Another modern Bonesmen were closely related to the career of George Bush.
· George Herbert Walker, Jr. (S & B 1927) was uncle of the President and the financial Angel. In the 1970s, he sold G.H. Walker & Co. to white, weld & Co. and become Director of white, weld; company heir William Weld, the current Governor of Massachusetts, is an active Republican from Bush.
· Editor William F. Buckley (S & B 1950) was a family oil business in the Mexico. There Buckley was a close ally to the Manager of covert operations CIA E. Howard Hunt, whose life-threatening antics was performed under the eyes of the Miami Station and Jupiter Island.
· David Lyle Boren (S & B 1963) was Assistant to the Director of the Office of Civil and defense mobilization and an analyst of the propaganda of the Agency of information American, before graduating from Yale. So while he was imbibing the British view at the University of Oxford (1963-65), Boren was already an Anglo-American intelligence of the device listed in the « speakers bureau » of the American Embassy in London. David Boren was elected to the Senate of the United States in 1979 and became Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee.
If a Democrat (who spoke knowingly of the « parallel government » operating in Iran-Contra), Committee of Intelligence of Boren decisions were (not unexpectedly) more favourable to its « Patriarch » in the White House.
Own OS of the Bush
Among the traditional items collected and retained within the tomb of High Street are the remains of different derivations. What follows relates to such a set of Skull and Bones.
Geronimo, a faction of Apache and warrior leader, led a group of warriors on a raid in 1876, after the Apaches have been transferred to the reserve of San Carlos in the Arizona territory. He led other raids against U.S. and Mexican forces in the 1880s; He was captured and escaped on several occasions.
Geronimo was eventually interned at Fort Sill, Oklahoma. He became a farmer and joined a Christian congregation. He died at the age of 79 in 1909 and was buried at Fort Sill. The three quarters of a century later, the tribe members raised the issue to get their famous warrior buried in Arizona.
Ned Anderson was Chief of the tribe Apache de San Carlos from 1978 to 1986. It is the story tells@s8 he:
Around the fall of 1983, the leader of a group of Apache in another section of Arizona said he was interested in having the remains of Geronimo his tribe returned to custody. Taking up this idea, Anderson said that the remains properly belonged in his group as well as for the other Apaches. After lengthy discussions, several Apache groups met in a kind of Summit meeting held at Fort Sill, Oklahoma. The army authorities were not in favour of the meeting, and it occurred thanks to the intervention of the Office of the Governor of Oklahoma.
Following this meeting Ned Anderson wrote in the newspapers as activist Apache articulated. Shortly after, in 1983 end or beginning of 1984, a member of the Skull and Bones contacted Anderson and disclosed evidence that the remains of Geronimo had long been stolen – by Prescott Bush, father of George. The informant said that, in May 1918, Prescott Bush and five other officers at Fort Sill lay the grave of Geronimo. They took turns watching while they stole the Tomb, taking the elements including a skull, a few other bones, a bit of horse and straps. These prices have been taken to the grave, the home of the skull and bones society of Yale in New Haven, Connecticut. They were placed in a showcase, whose members and visitors could easily see from the entrance of the building.
The informant provided Anderson with photographs of the stolen remains, as well as a copy of a Skull and Bones log book in which the serious 1918 flight had been registered. The informant said that the members of Skull and Bones used the remains stolen in the exercise of some of their rituals Thursday and Sunday evening, with the skull of Geronimo, spread on a table in front of them.
Outraged, Anderson went to New Haven. He did some research on the Yale campus and held many discussions, to know what that the Apaches would be against when they took action, and what kind of action would be more fruitful.
Through a lawyer, Ned Anderson asked the FBI in the case. The Prosecutor transfer to the response of the Office: if it turn the slightest scrap of evidence to the FBI and to withdraw completely from the case, they would get involved. He rejected this bargain, since it seems unlikely to lead to the recovery of the remains of Geronimo.
Due to its persistence, it was able to organize a September 1986 meeting of Manhattan with Jonathan Bush, brother of George Bush. Jonathan Bush vaguely assured Anderson he would get what he had come after and fix a follow-up for the next meeting. But Bush has landed – Anderson believes that it was to buy time to hide and secure the remains stolen against any possible fallback action.
The Prosecutor Skull and Bones, representative of the Bush family and the management of the case was Endicott Peabody Davison. His father was the F. Trubee Davison mentioned above, who had been president of the New York American Museum of Natural History and Director of personnel for the Central Intelligence Agency. The general attitude of the Museum for a long time that « indigenous » crowd should be stuffed and mounted for display to all fashion.
Finally, after about 11 days, another meeting took place. A showcase was produced, which was in fact that of photography, the informant gave Ned Anderson. But the skull, he showed was that of a child of ten years, and Anderson have refused to receive it or to sign a legal document promising to remain silent on this subject.
Anderson took his complaint to Arizona congressmen Morris Udahl and John McCain III, but without any result. George Bush refuses to Congressman McCain that he meet with Anderson.
Anderson wrote to ünlü, together with a photo of the Cabinet wall and skull to « grave », showing a photograph black and white of the living Geronimo, including members of the order had posted shamelessly next to their display of his skull. Anderson cited a story internal Skull and Bones Society, the Continuation of the history of our order for the celebration of the century, June 17, 1933, by the little devil of 121.
Since the time of the war [W.W. I] also sprung shipping of mad from the school of fire at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, which led t [omb] its most spectacular « crook, » the skull of Geronimo the terrible, the Indian Chief who had taken forty-nine white hair. An expedition in late may, 1918, by members of the four Clubs [i.e. four years diploma-class society], Xit D.114, Barebones, Caliban and Dingbat, p.115, if Mike D.116 and Hellbender D.117, laid down with great caution since in the words of one of them: « Six army captains steal a tomb would not well in the newspapers. » The highest point in stirring was recorded by Hellbender in the black book of the D.117: « … Supports socket ring the Pierre and the thud of Earth on the Earth only disturbs the peace of the prairie. An axe pried open the door of iron of the tomb and Pat [riarch] Bush entered and started digging. We dug in turn, each taking a turn on the road as relief guards… Finally Pat [riarch] James upturned Ellery a flange, soon a Horn of the saddle and rotten hides followed, then in wood and then, at the bottom right of the small round hole, Pat [riarch] James dug deeply and pried on the trophy itself… We quickly closed the Tomb, shut the door and accelerated the home to Pat [riarch] Mallon room, where we cleaned bones. Pat [riarch] Mallon seated on the ground, apply generously carbolic acid. The skull was clean enough, with only some muscles on the inside and a bit of hair. I filled and hit the hay… a happy man… »@s9
Another looter, whose name is given, James Ellery, we met in Chapter 1 – it had to be an usher at Prescott marriage of three years later. And the fellow who has applied the stolen skull acid, burning flesh and hair, Neil Mallon. Years later, Prescott Bush and his partners chose Mallon as president of Dresser Industries; Mallon hired the son of Prescott, George Bush, for the first use of George; and George Bush has appointed his son, Neil Mallon Bush, after the selection of flesh.
In 1988, the Washington Post ran an article, from the establishment-line Arizona Republic, entitled « Skull scandal: Tomb of Bush father Rob Geronimo fact? » Article contained a small quote from 1933 skull and bones history of our order: « an axe pried open the door of iron of the Tomb, and… Bush entered and started digging… « and so forth, but neglected to include other names next to Bush.
According to the Washington Post, the document whose Attorney Bush Endicott Davison tried to get the Apache chief to sign, stipulated that Ned Anderson agreed it would be « inappropriate for you, me [Jonathan Bush] or any other which, in association with make us or authorize any publication in this transaction ». Anderson called the document « very insulting for the Indians ». Davison said later that the history of the order book is a hoax, but when negotiations with Anderson, Bush’s Attorney demanded the Anderson abandons its copy of the book.@s1@s0
Crony Bush Fitzhugh Green gives the view of the funders of the President on this matter and transmit the arrogant attitude of racial typical Skull and Bones:
« Prescott Bush was a colorful side. In 1988, the press revealed a leader Apache on Bush’s complaint. This is Ned Anderson of San Carlos, Oklahoma [sic], who charged to have as an officer of the young army Bush stole Indian Chief [sic] Geronimo’s skull and he had hung on the wall of Yale Skull and Bones Club. After the exhibition « real facts » by Anderson and review by some representatives in Congress, the issue disappeared from public view. If this alleged skullduggery actually produced the idea casts the Bush senior in adventurous light »@s1 @ s1 [it is emphasis added].
George Bush is the coronation as a Bonesman was intensely, personally important to him. These men have been exploited for the class of 1948:
Thomas William Ludlow Ashley
Lucius Horatio blot, Jr.
George Herbert Walker Bush
John Erwin Caulkins
William Judkins Clark
William James Connelly, Jr.
George Cook III
David Charles Grimes
Richard Jenkins of Elwood
Richard Gerstle Mack
Thomas wild Moseley
George Harold Pfau, Jr.
Samuel Sloane Walker, Jr.
Howard Sayre Weaver
Wilkie, Jr. Valleau
Survivors of this group of bones of 1948 were interviewed for the profile 1988 Washington Post campaign of George Bush. The members described their ongoing intimacy with and financial support for Bush upward through his Vice-Presidency of the 1980s. Their original sexual unit at Yale is underlined:
Relations that are formed in the « Tomb »… where the meetings of the society took place every Thursday and Sunday night during the school year, had a strong place in the life of Bush, according to all 11 of his fellow Bonesmen who are still alive.
Several described in detail the ritual of the organization that creates links. Before giving its life history, each Member had to spend a Sunday evening reviewing his sexual life, in a speech in the so-called Tomb CB, or « marital bliss »…
« The first time, review you your sex life… We went all around among the 15, « said Lucius H. Blot Jr., a former Prosecutor in Seattle. « This way you get everyone committed to a certain extent… It was a progressive way of trust. »
Sexual history has helped break the normal defenses of the members, according to several members of its class. William J. Connelly, Jr…. said, ‘ we are all in Skull and Bones, solidarity, 15 brothers under the skin. [It is] the greatest allegiance in the world. « @s1 @ s2
Here is our future president of the United States with the other rich and amoral, young men, excited by their future unlimited power over the ignorant people, share their secrets of sex in a mausoleum surrounded by human remains. Young horny men are made entirely by the Patriarchs « , » the old cynical financiers who are the legal owners of the order.
The Tories of Yale, who has made the Skull and Bones
This chart illustrates the family relationships that were vital for the people who appear on the graph. To the less exalted levels of society, we are supposed to be praised or blamed solely on the basis of its own shares. But in these circles of Yale, « family » – genealogy – is a very serious consideration in the assessment of individuals. So what we present here is more than simply a system of associations. It is a tradition which has operated powerfully on emotions and judgment of the leaders at Yale University; they merged their own identities in this tradition.
Rows are directed down from parents to their children. A double hyphen – means the marriage of people of each side.
GUIDE FOR THE YALE FAMILY TABLE
(1) Nodiah Russell Rev.: one of the 10 or 12 men who founded the University of Yale in 1701. Yale trustee 1701-13. Pastor, First Congregational Church, Middletown, CT. CA. 1691-1716.
(2) Rev. James Pierpont: the most celebrated founders Yale. Trustee of Yale, 1701-14.
(3) William Russell: Yale trustee 1745-61. Pastor, First Congregational Church, Middletown, CT. 1716 61.
(4) Jonathan Edwards: graduated from Yale in 1720. Ultra-Calvinist theologian, President of Princeton University (then called the ‘ College of New Jersey « ‘).
(5) Nodiah Russell Rev.: graduated from Yale in 1750.
(6) Pierpont Edwards (1750-1826): made masters of Masons Connecticut by the British occupying army New York in 1783. It administers the estate of the traitor Benedict Arnold.
(7) Aaron Burr, SR.: degree from yale in 1735. President of Princeton University (« College of New Jersey »).
(8) Matthew Talcott Russell: graduated from Yale in 1769. Deacon of the first Congregational Church, Middletown, CT., for 30 years. The family’s lawyer Russell in Middletown. Died 1817.
(9) Captain John Russell. Death in 1801 or 1802.
(10) Henry W. Edwards: Governor of Connecticut, 1833, 1835-38. Opium-funded protector of Samuel Russell enterprises, owner of the new William Huntington Russell secret society, Skull and Bones.
(11) Aaron Burr, Jr.: Vice President of the United States 1801-08. Killed Alexander Hamilton in a duel in 1804. Conspirator of the secession. Acquitted of treason in 1807, but wanted for murder, he fled to England. Returned to the United States of America in 1812. Lawyer Wall Street, 1812-36. Hero of the Anglo-American imperial.
12) Theodore Dwight (1764-1846): joint of his cousin Aaron Burr, Jr. Secretary of secessionist Hartford Convention, 1815. It unites the pro-British party Connecticut Massachusetts « Essex Junto. »
(13) Timothy Dwight: secessionist. President of Yale, 1795-1817.
(14) William Huntington Russell (1809-85): graduated from Yale in 1833. Founder of the skull and bones Society (or Russell Trust Association), who have begun to dominate Yale. Founded prep school for boys, 1836. His secret organisation in the early 1870s at Phillips Academy, Andover, Massachusetts prep school.
(15) Samuel Russell: born in 1789 in the ancestral home of the Middletown Russell family. This House had belonged by the co-founder of Yale, Nodiah Russell (1) and by William Russell (3) and his wife Mary, sister-in-law of Jonathan Edwards.
He became head of the Russells in Middletown. In 1823, who in the 1830s, replaced the Perkins Union as the largest organization of American opium smuggling, it creates Russell and co.. His partners included that families of Boston.
He founded the company of manufacture of Russell, Middletown, in 1837; He was president of the Bank of the County of Middlesex. During the years of training Skull and Bones, fabulously wealthy Samuel Russell was the undisputed king of Middletown.
Note to the reader:
For the sake of clarity, we have omitted from this table the ancestral lineage of reverend James Pierpont (2) of his great-grandson the Rev. John Pierpont. Reverend John Pierpont wrote poetry for the pro-British secessionists; He denounced the President Thomas Jefferson that close to New England this Pierpont were « under the influence of the prostitute of England. » Reverend John was an employee of the family of Aaron Burr for the Burr conspiracy West. Daughter of reverend John Juliet married British banker born in Connecticut Junius Morgan and gave birth to US financial kingpin John Pierpont Morgan, the name of his grandfather John Rev.
Return to Table of contents
1 speech in Lewistown (Illinois), August 17, 1858; quoted in James Mellon (editor), The Face of Lincoln (New York: Viking Press, 1979), p. 35.
2 Fitzhugh Green, George Bush: a Portrait intimate (New York: Hippocrene Books, 1989), p. 41. 3 Nicholas King, George Bush: a biography (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1980), p. 38.
4 green, op. cit., p. 47.
5. ibid., p. 48.
6. among the sources used for this section are:
· Skull and bones, 1833-1950 member list, print, 1949 by the Russell Trust Association, New Haven, Connecticut, available through the library of Yale University, New Haven.
· Biographies of the Russells and related families, in the library of Yale University, New Haven and Russell Library, Middletown, Connecticut.
· Ron Chernow, the House of Morgan: an American banking dynasty and the rise of modern Finance (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1990).
· Anthony C. Sutton, how the order creates war and revolution, (Phoenix: Research Publications, Inc., 1984).
· Anthony C. Sutton, secret creation of America: an Introduction to the order of Skull and Bones, (Billings, MT: Liberty House Press, 1986).
· Anton Chaitkin, treason in America: from Aaron Burr to Averell Harriman, second edition (New York: New Benjamin Franklin House, 1985).
· Anton Chaitkin, « Station Identification: Morgan, Hitler, NBC, ‘ new solidarity, October 8, 1984.
· Interviews with members of the bones and their families.
7 Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, the wise men: Six friends and the world they made – Acheson, Bohlen, Harriman, Kennan, Lovett, McCloy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986), pp. 90-91.
8. ibid., p. 93.
George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin
Chapter VIII- The Permian Basin Gang, 1948-59
Pecunia non olet.
During the years that followed World War II, the patrician families of the Eastern Anglophile liberal establishment has sent many of their offspring to colonize the geographical regions of the United States which, estimated, families were likely to prosper in the postwar period. On the surface, it appears as a simple reflex of greed: youngest son were sent to regions of the provinces where their instinctive methods of speculation and wear could be employed to parasitize new wealth. More fundamentally, this migration of the young patrician bankers responded to the need for political control. The establishment is, understood as an agglomeration of financial factions which is headquartered on Wall Street, had been the dominant force in American since J.P. Morgan politics had refloated the regime of Grover Cleveland in the 1890s. Since the assassination of William McKinley and the coming of Theodore Roosevelt, the power of the Wall Street group was permanently. The establishment of the East may have its roots early North of Boston and in the Valley of the Hudson River, but it was determined to be, non-regional financial faction a simple, but the elite to the undisputed power of the United States as a whole, from Boston to Bohemian Grove and Palm Beach in the Pacific Northwest. It was therefore imperative that the constant tendency to the formation of regional factions be outpaced by the invasive presence of men bound by loyalty of blood with the dominant cliques in Washington, New York and the « motherland », the city of London.
If the Eastern liberal establishment were considered as a cancer, after 1945 that cancer went into a new phase of malignant metastases, infect all parts of the Organization American politician. George Bush was one of these cells malignant motile. He was not alone; Robert Mosbacher also made the trip from New York to Texas, in the case of directly Mosbacher in Houston.
Still, the various sycophant mythographes who have spun their sons on the life of George Bush tried to present this phase of the life of Bush as the case of a fiercely independent young man who could have gone straight to the top on Wall Street by trading on the name of the father Prescott and connections, but who instead chose to strike out for the new border between the Mavericks and roughnecks of the west oil fields Texas and become a self-made-man.
As George Bush himself said in an interview in 1983, « if I was a psychoanalyzer, I might conclude that I wanted, not compete with my father, but do something on my own. My stay in Texas has been nothing of Horatio Alger, but moving from New Haven in Odessa, about the day that I graduated was quite a change in lifestyle. « [note 1]
These fairy tales of the ‘red Studebaker’ school seek to conceal the facts: that Bush in Texas was organized from the top by Prescott Brown Brothers, Harriman buddies, and transfer that the own funds of the maternal uncle of our hero, George Herbert Walker, Jr. helped each forward step made by Bush in the oil business , « Uncle Herbie, » the boss of the investment by G.H. Walker & Co. from Wall Street firm. Uncle Herbie had graduated from Yale in 1927, where he was a member of Skull and Bones. It is the uncle of Herbie that will appear as main investor and member of the Board of Bush-Overbey oil Zapata Petroleum and Zapata Offshore after 1959. If we assume that the Bush-Walker clan as an oligarchic family decided to send the younger son George Bush in oil fields in Texas and Oklahoma, we are not far from the truth.
Father Prescott bought George not a job, but two, respectively by contacting buddies who relied at least partly Brown Brothers, Harriman for business.
A cronyism contacted by father Prescott was Ray Kravis, who ran an oil company in Tulsa, Oklahoma. Oklahoma had experienced a boom of colossal oil between the two world wars, and Ray Kravis cashed, accumulate a personal fortune of some $25 million. Ray is the son of a British tailor whose father had come to America and set up a haberdashery in Atlantic City, New Jersey. Young Ray Kravis came to Tulsa in 1925, in the middle of the oil boom that was the colossal fortunes of men like J. Paul Getty. Ray Kravis was primarily a tax accountant, and he invented a very special tax shelter that allowed the properties of « packaged » oil and sale so as to reduce the tax on profits from property of the natural oil from 81% rate barely 15%. This meant that the national tax base has been eroded, and each taxpayer diverted in order to subsidize the formation of huge fortunes private; This shall be deemed to be a recurring theme among business partners of George Bush up to our days.
Dexterity of Ray Kravis to implement these tax shelters have attracted the attention of Joseph P. Kennedy, the bucaneering bootlegger, entrepreneur, political leader and Patriarch of the clan Kennedy of Massachusetts. For many years, Ray Kravis functioned as the Kennedy family fortune (or fondo) Manager, the same as most later entrusted work to Stephen Smith. Ray Kravis and Joe Kennedy have both spent the winter in Palm Beach, where they were sometimes golf partners. [fn 2]
In 1948-49, father Prescott was an associate of Brown Brothers, Harriman. Prescott knew Ray Kravis under a local Tulsa finance magnate and wheeler-dealer who was often referred to by Wall Street investment houses as a consultant to assess oil reserves of various companies. Estimates that Ray Kravis provided often involved the amount of oil in the ground who owned these companies and these estimates were at the heart of the company’s oil as an exploitation of ground rent in which current oil production was much less reserves still beneath the ground.
This activity gave the kind of mentality of primitive accumulation which later saw to animate the son of Ray Kravis Henry. In the 1980s, as we shall see, Henry Kravis personally generated some $58 billion in debt for the opening of 36 companies and assembling the largest corporate empire, in terms of paper, of all time. And, as we will also see, Henry Kravis was to become one of the leaders of the LBO, which became the pillars of the political machine of George Bush. But in 1948, these events were far in the future.
Yes father Prescott asked Ray if he had a job for young George. The answer was, of course, he did.
But in the meantime Prescott Bush had also spoken with an another buddy indebted to him, Henry Neil Mallon, who was President and the President of the Council from Dresser Industries, a leading manufacturer of drills and oil well drilling equipment. Dresser was incorporated in 1905 by Solomon R. Dresser, but had been bought and reorganized by W.A. Harriman & company in 1928-1929.
Henry Neil Mallon, for whom the infamous reputation of Neil Mallon Bush of Hinckley and Silverado is named, coming from a family of Cincinnati who were the traditional vassals to the clan of Taft in the same way as the Bush-Walker family were selected for the Harrimans. As a child, Neil Mallon had gone with his family to visit their close friends, President William Howard Taft and his family at the White House. Mallon had then attended the Taft School in Watertown, Connecticut, and had continued at Yale University in the fall of 1913, where he met Bunny Harriman, Prescott Bush, Knight Wooley and the other Bonesmen.
One day in December 1928 Bunny Harriman, father Prescott and Knight Wooley were sitting around the House of count Harriman discuss their reorganisation of Dresser Industries. Mallon, who was returning to Ohio after six months ago mountaineering in the Alps, came to visit. At some point in the conversation, Bunny said Mallon was exclaimed, « Dresser! Convenient!. » Mallon is then interviewed by George Herbert Walker, the President of W.A. Harriman & Co. Following this interview, Mallon was immediately made President of dresser, although he had no experience in the oil sector. Mallon clearly owes the Walker-Bush clan some favors. [fn 3]
Prescott Bush had become a member of the Board of Directors of Dresser Industries in 1930, following the reorganization of the company he had personally helped to lead. Prescott Bush was intended to remain on the plateau of the dresser for twenty-two years, until 1952, when he entered the Senate of United States. Father Prescott was handing in a note, when George purchased a second offer of employment, this time with Dresser Industries or any of its subsidiaries.
George Bush knew that the oil boom in Oklahoma had passed its peak and that Tulsa would no longer opportunities for pounds sterling for a quick buck he had presented twenty years earlier. Convenient, on the other hand, was a great ideal international society to get insight into rapid of the oil industry and its practices of looting. George Bush accordingly called Ray Kravis and, in shades of clientelism, he was accustomed to use as he recovered his way upwards, said that he wished to respectfully refuse work that Kravis had offered him in Tulsa. His first choice was to go to work for Dresser. Ray Kravis, which resembled Prescott for business, released at the same time. « I know George Bush well, », said Ray Kravis years later. « I’ve known him since he came out of the school. His father was a very good friend of mine. « [fn 4] it is the magical moment where all official biographies of Bush show our heroes of riding in Odessa, Texas in the legendary red Studebaker, for a position as a clerk of the equipment and the trainee for the subsidiary of Dresser IDECO (International Derrick and Equipment Company).
But the myth of Studebaker red, as shown previously, distorts the facts. According to the semi-official history of Dresser Industries, George Bush was first used by Dresser at their headquarters in Cleveland, Ohio, where he worked to develop Executive R.E. Reimer, an ally of Mallon. [fn 5] This passage in Cleveland is barely mentioned by biographers pro-Bush, we do wonder what is covered to the top. The history of the Planer is also George Bush working for another subsidiary, Pacific pumps, before working for the IDECO. On the same page regarding these interesting facts, there is a picture that shows the father George holding his son George Walker Bush, Barbara Bush, Prescott and Dorothy. George Young W. wears cowboy boots. They are all standing in front of a Dresser Industries executive aircraft, apparently a DC-3. Could this be the way George really came to Odessa?
The story of the Planer has George Bush working for Pacific pumps, another subsidiary of Dresser, before finally joining IDECO. According to the autobiography of Bush campaign, he had been with IDECO one year in Odessa in Texas before being transferred to work for pumps Pacific at Huntington Park and Bakersfield, California. Bush said that he was working at Huntongton Park as a consultant and this is where he claims to have joined the United Steelworkers Union, get a Union card he will still come out when they are confronted to its long history of anti-Union, as for example when he was arrested in a shipyard in Portland, Oregon, during the 1988 campaign. Other accounts place Bush in Ventura, Compton and « Richard Nixon home town of Whittier » during this same period. [fn 6] If Bush actually went first in California and only later in Odessa, it can be extended in order to stress that he chose Texas as his first choice, a distortion that may have concocted very early in his career policy to defend itself against the constant accusation that he was a carpetbagger.
Odessa, Texas, and the nearby town of Midland are both located in the geological formation known as the Permian Basin, the scene of an oil boom that has developed in the years after the second world war. Odessa at that time was a complex of yards and warehouses where oil drilling equipment arrived for distribution in the oil drilling installations that were drilling everywhere in the landscape.
IDECO, Bush worked for supervisor Bill Nelson and had a Hugh Evans among co-workers. With regard to this period, we are regaled with stories about how Bush and Barbara moved into a shotgun house, an apartment that had been divided by a partition in the Middle, with a bathroom, they shared with a mother and her prostitute daughter team. There was a pervasive smell gas which comes not from a leak in the oven, but nearby oil wells where gas has been flared off the coast. George and Barbara were to spend some time slumming in this parameter. But Bush was eager to ingratiate themselves with the roughnecks and roustabouts; He began to eat the normal regime of Odessa of a bowl of chili with crackers and beer for lunch and the friend chicken-a steak for dinner. Perhaps his taste for country music and western, pork rinds and other public relations ploys go back to this. Bush is also fond of telling the story of how the Christmas Eve, 1948, he got drunk customers IDECO receptions and passed out, drunk, on his own lawn, where it was found by Barbara. George Bush, we can see it, is really an ordinary guy.
According to the official version of Bush, events, George and Bar peregrinated in 1949, away from their beloved Texas in various cities in California where Dresser had subsidiaries. Bush claims that he drove a thousand miles a week across the plains of Carrizo and Cuyama Valley. That same year (or of was this 1950?) they moved to Midland, another tumbleweed town in West Texas. Midland offers the advantage of being the place where the seat of West Texas to a large number of oil companies that operated in Odessa and surrounding areas. Midland, George and Bar first stayed in a motel while he commuted by car every day at the warehouse IDECO in Odessa, twenty miles southwest. Then, for $7 500, they bought a House on Maple Street in post-war mini Levittown called Easter egg row development.
Reality was more complicated. The social circle of Bush in Odessa was hardly composed of field oil roughnecks. On the contrary, their peer group consisted more sorts of people they had known in New Haven: a clique of the many recent graduates haves of the prestigious colleges of the East, who had been attracted by the Permian Basin in the same way that Stanford, Hopkins, Crocker and their ilk have been attracted to San Francisco during the gold rush. Here were Toby Hilliard, John Ashmun and Pomeroy Smith, all of Princeton. Earle Craig had been to Yale. Midland and boasted a Club of Yale and Harvard Club and a Club of Princeton. The natives referred to as this clique « Yalies ». J. Hugh Liedtke and William Liedkte, who had grown up in Oklahoma, but who had attended Amherst College in Massachusetts were also present on the scene at Midland.
Many of these people had access to the patrician fortues East to venture capital, they mobilized behind their various offerings. Full name of Toby Hilliard was Harry Talbot Hilliard of Fox Chapel near Pittsburgh, where the Mellons had their residence. Earle Craig was also connected with many money in the same area. The Liedkte brothers, as we shall see, had money from big oil, which had emerged around Tulsa. Many of these « Yalies » also lived in the area of the line of the Easter egg. Some houses of George Bush there lived a certain John Overbey. According to Overbey, the people of the East. and the people of Texas or Oklahoma seemed to all have two things in common they all had a chance to be brokers or investment banks. And they all wanted to learn the oil business instead. « [fn 7] Overbey made his living as a landman. Since George Bush would shortly also become a landman, it deserves to be studied that actually involves this profession; Doing so, we will get a permanent insight into the character of Bush. The role of the landman in the oil industry in Texas has been to try to identify the properties where oil could be found, sometimes on the basis of geological information leak, sometimes after the observation that one of the major oil companies were drilling in the same locale. Man of the Earth would be scout property and then try to get the owner of the land to give up mineral rights to the property in the form of a lease. If the owner of the property have been well informed about the possibility that oil could in fact lies on its land, the price of the lease obviously would, because the mining law meant that the income (or « royalties ») of any oil that can be found would never go to the owner of the land. A ruse landman strives to gather as much insider information he could and keep the breeder as well in the dark as possible. In rural Texas in the 1940s, the role of the landman could quite easily degenerate into the ruthless, greedy crook who would try to convince a dirt possibly ignorant and uninformed Texas farmer who was just coming for air after the great depression that the chances of finding oil on his land were little or no , and that even a token for a lease of mineral rights would be eminently worth taking.
Once the farmer or breeder had signed its right to future oil royalties, the landman would turn around and try to ‘broker’ of the lease by selling at a price inflated for a major oil company who may be interested by drilling, or to some other buyer. There was a lively market in these leases in the restaurant of the Scharbauer hotel in Midland, where oil fields maps hanging from the walls and oil leases could change hands several times during operations on a single day. Sometimes, if a landman were forced to sell a lease of mining rights on the land where he really thought there could be oil, it would seek to maintain a substitution, representing perhaps one-sixteenth or a thirty-second of royalties from future production. But that would mean less money or even any money already received, and small operators like Overbey, who had no capital that is clean, resources were still attached to the cash. Overbey was happy if he could make a profit of a few hundred dollars on the sale of a lease.
This form of activity has clearly urged the mean-spirited and greedy, those who loved rooking their fellow Man it was one thing for Overbey, who could have no alternative to support his family. It was something else entirely for George Herbert Walker Bush, a young plutocrat out slumming. But Bush was drawn to the royalties set landman, so he offered to raise capital to the East if Overbey would join him in a partnership. [fn 8]
Overbey accepted the proposal to Bush, they take advantage of a company that would trade in hopes disappeared from the Northwest of Texas farmers and ranchers. Bush and Overbey flew eastward to talk to Uncle Herbie in the room’s panelling of G.H. Walker & Co. on Wall Street. According to Esquire, « partner of Bush, John Overbey, still remembered the whirlwind of a journey of awareness of money in the East with George and uncle Herbie: lunch at the 21 Club in New York, weekend in Kennebunkport where a refreshing dip on Sunday in the Atlantic off the coast of pointe Walker is finished by a servant wrap you in a large towel and handing you a martini. » [fn 9]
The result of the return Odyssey was is a capital of $300 000, much of it gathered reviews of Uncle Herbie in the City of London, which were of course very happy at the idea of parasitize a ranch owners in Texas. One of those eager to cash out was Jimmy Gammell of Edinburgh, Scotland, including the House counting ivory and Sime put up $50 000 of its Atlantic Asset Trust. Gammell is the eminence grise of Scottish invesment community today, and he kept a close personal relationship to Bush over the years. Brand this Gammell well; He will soon return to our narrative.
Eugene Meyer, owner of the Washington Post and the father of the current owner of this document, Katharine Meyer Graham, advanced by an investment of $50 000 on the basis of the capacity of tax shelters promised by Bush-Oberbey. Meyer, a president of the World Bank, also bought an investment to his son-in-law Phil Graham for the company of Bush. Father Prescott Bush was also counted in the amount of approximately $50 000. It was at the time of real money, of the sums. London investors got shares in the new company, called Bush-Overbey, and Bush-Overbey bonded debt. Bush and Overbey moved into an office in the ground floor of the building of oil in Midland.
The profession of the landman, it was pointed at, entriely rested on personal relationships and schmooze. It had to be a disassembler and an intelligencer. He needed to learn to cultivate friendships with geologists, the scouts, the bureaucrats petty at the courthouse of the county where land records, were journalists in the local newspaper and with his own rivals, the other landmen, which could invite someone with some upcoming risk capital a case. Community service was an excellent mode of ingratiation, and George Bush has volunteered for the community chest, the YMCA and the Chamber of Commerce. This meant some platitudes about the wives and children, participation in postures of deception Church – that in a small town had to invade every detail of his life. It was at this time in his life that Bush seems to have taken the habit to write sickly small personal notes to people whom he had recently met, a habit he would use over the years to operate and maintain his personal network. In all this clientelism Babbitry and hype come bits and pieces of information that could lead to windfall profits and knowledge.
There was a boom in Scurry County, but has been decreasing. Bush led to Pyote, to Snyder, city of Sterling, Monahans, with Base air rattlesnake just outside the city. Ranchers in Texas how much can remember selling their mineral rights for a pittance to smiling George Bush, and then to have discovered on Earth, where their family would never earn a penny oil?
In front of Bush-Overbey were Liedtke & Liedtke, lawyers offices. J. Hugh Liedtke and William Liedtke came from Tulsa, Oklahoma, where they, like Bush, had grown rich as the son of a local judge who had become one of the corporate lawyers top of Gulf Oil. Grandfather of the Liedtke came from Prussia, but had served in the Confederate Army. J. Hugh Liedtke had found time along the way to acquire the degree of Master of Business Administration at Harvard notable in a year. After service in the Navy during the war, the Liedtkes obtained degrees in law from the Faculty of law of the University of Texas, where they have rented quarters of the servant of the House of United States Senator Lyndon B. Johnson, who was away in Washington most of the time. During these years, the Johnson House was occupied most of the time by his protégé, John Connally.
The combined Liedtkes the mentality of primitive accumulation gross, coarse of the boomtown of oil with the refined art of usury and speculation as Harvard taught them. Their law firm is a law firm in name only; their primary and exclusive activity purchased leases for royalties on behalf of a money bags from Tulsa, who was a friend of their family; the Liedtkes got a 5% commission on each transaction that they handled.
Hugh Liedtke was always on the lookout for chance to hand. Following in the footsteps of fellow Tulsan Ray Kravis, Hugh Liedtke conspired and plotted up until he had found a way to go beyond scramble for leases of royalty: he has concocted a sales method of producing properties of oil so as to allow the eventual owner to defer all tax liabilities until the field has been exhausted. Sometimes Hugh Liedtke would commute between Midland and Tulsa on an almost daily basis. He would spend the daylight hours prowling the Permian Basin for a land transaction, make the journey of thirteen hours in Tulsa one night or more to convince his supporters to ante cash and then race back to Midland to conclude the case before that sucker ran away. It was during this phase that it appeared Liedtke might save yourself a lot of suburb of marathon driving if he could put together 1 million dollars in venture capital and « inventory » offers otherwise, he had to do so piecemeal and ad hoc. [fn 10]
The Liedtke brothers wanted to now go beyond the leases of royalty and sales tax dodging land and begin drilling at large scale and oil production. George Bush, by now well versed in the alphas and omegas of oil in the ground rent, was thinking in the same direction. A convergence which was full of ominous omen for the U.S. economy of the 1980s, the Liedtke brothers and George Bush decided to pool their capital and their talent eager to go into business together. Overbey was on Board at the outset, but it could soon fall.
The year was 1953, and uncle Herbie G.H. Walker & Co., became the main underwriter of stock and convertible debentures that were to be offered to the public. Uncle Herbie would also purchase a large part of the park itself. When the new company held additional infusions of capital, uncle Herbie would float the necessary links. Jimmy Gammell remained a key participant and find a seat on the Board of Directors of the new company. Another major investor was the Clark estate family, which means that the trustees who managed the fortune of machine sewing Singer. [fn 11] Some other money came from various pension funds and endowments, which would become very popular sources during the orgy of LBO Bush presided in the 1980s. The capital of the new concern of Bush-Liedtke, approximately $500 000 would come from buddies of Tulsa of the Liedtke brothers and the other $500 000 of circles of Uncle Herbie. These last were called by Hugh Liedtke « the guys from New York. »
The name chosen for the new concern was Zapata Petroleum. According to Hugh Liedtke, new entrepreneurs have been attracted by the name when they saw on a movie marquee, where the new version Viva Zapata!, with Marlon Brando as the Mexican revolutionary, played. Liedtke characteristically explains that part of the appeal of the name was the confusion as if Zapata was a Patriot or a bandit. [fn 12]
The combination of Bush-Leclerc focused his attention on a property of oil in the County of Coke called field of Jameson, a desert expanse of prairie and sagebrush where six very distant wells produced oil in recent years. Hugh Liedtke was convinced that these six oil wells have been tapping into a single pool of underground oil, while tens or even of hundreds of new oil wells in the same field all would prove to be torrential. In other words, Leclerc wanted to play the whole of the capital of the new company on the assumption that the wells were in the jargon of oil, « connected ». One of the funders of Liedtke Tulsa was supposed to be satisfied and contended that the wells were too far apart. they could not possibly connect. « Damn, they do! » was the reply of Hugh Liedtke. He insisted on the works of shooting during a va-Bank operation. Uncle Herbie circles were nervous: « the guys from New York were about to pee in their pants, » boasted Leidtke years later. Bush and Hugh Liedtke obviously had the best information: wells were connected, and 127 wells have been drilled without encountering a single hole dry. As a result, the price of the share of the social in Zapata increased 7 cents per share to $23.
Meanwhile, Hugh Liedtke has collaborated on several small contracts in the region of Midland with a certain T. Boone Pickens, later, one of the most famous raiders companies of the 1980s, one of the creators of the strategy of « greenmail » of extortion whereby a raider would be accumulate part of the shares of the company and threaten to go all the way to a hostile takeover unless the management of the compnay has agreed to buy these shares at an outrageous Premium. Pickens is the buccaneer who was self-righteously indignant when the Japanese business community has attempted to prevent it to introduce these practices of looting shamless in the Japanese economy.
Pickens, too, was a product of the Midland Bush-Liedtke social circle. When it was begun in the mid-1950s, Pickens wanted to buy the Hugoton Production Company, who owned the Hugoton, one of the major worldwide onshore field, natural gas. Pickens has designed the hostile takeover of Hugoton turning Hugh Liedtke to be introduced to the Trustees of the estate of Clark family, which, as we have just seen, had made a part of the capital for Zapata. Pickens has promised the Clark Trustees a higher yield than was provided by the current leadership, and this support proved decisive for Mesa Petroleum of Pickens to resume Hugoton, launching this corsair on a career of looting and pillage that still continues. In 1988, George Bush would give an interview to a magazine belonged to Pickens where the Vice President defended hostile takeovers as necessary in the interests of the shareholders.
Meanwhile, after two or three years of operation, the oil off Zapata field Jameson key flow had begun to slow. Despite still abundant oil in the soil, the natural pressure had been quickly exhausted, so Bush and the Liedtkes had first recourse to schemes to bring oil to the surface. They started pumping water into underground formations to forced oil to the surface. Since then, the technical « recovery » were necessary to maintain Jameson field online.
In 1955 and 1956, Zapata was able to report a small profit. In 1957, the incipient Eisenhower recession year, this comes in a loss of $155 183, as oil from the Jameson field has begun to slow. In 1958, the loss was $427 752, and in 1959, he had $207 742 of red ink. 1960 (after Bush had left the scene) has introduced another loss, this time of $372 258, it was not until 1961 that Zapata was able to post a small profit of $50 482. [fn 13] Despite the fact that Bush and the Liedtkes all became millionaires thanks to the increase in the value of their shares, it wasn’t exactly an enviable reputation; without the deep pockets of Bush Uncle Herbie Walker and his British supporters, the whole enterprise could have sunk at an early date.
Bush and the Liedtkes had much luck with the Jameson field, but they could hardly if expected results will repeat indefinitely. In addition, they were now posting losses, and the value of Zapata stock had entered a decline. Bush and the Liedtke brothers now concluded the age where large oil deposits could be discovered within the continental zone of the United States is now complete. Mammoths new oilfields, they believed, could not be found in the offshore, beneath hundreds of feet of water on the continental shelf or in shallow waters such as the Gulf of the Mexico and the Caribbean. By a happy coincidence, in 1954 the U.S. federal Government was just starting to sell at auction the mineral rights to these offshore areas. With father Prescott Bush, put in scene powerful Brown Brothers, Harriman/skull and network os of the American Senate all table of cooking-evisceration regularly with President Eisenhower on the golf links, George Bush could be confident to receive special preferential treatment when it came to these mineral rights. Bush and his partners therefore considered the time come to start a for-hire drilling company, Zapata Offshore, a Delaware company that offers its services to companies that make up the international oil cartel’s Seven Sisters in underwater wells. 40% of the shares in the offshore company would be owned by the original company of Zapata. The new company would also be a buyer of royalty to offshore leases. Uncle Herbie helped organize a new edition of the stock for this Zapata offshoot. The shares were easy to unload because of the rise of the New York Stock Exchange, 1954. « Stock market lends itself to speculation, » Bush explained years later, « and you could get capital for new businesses. » [fn 14]
1954 was also the year that the United States overthrew the Government of Jacopo Arbenz in the Guatemala. This was the beginning of a dense swirl of us covert operations in Central America and the Caribbean, featuring especially Cuba.
The first asset of Zapata Offshore was the SCORPION, a drilling rig in deep water of $3.5 million was funded by $1.5 million from the initial sale of stock over another $2 million of bonds marketed with the help of Uncle Herbie. The SCORPION was the first three-legged self-elevating mobile drilling barge, and it was built by R. G. LeTourneau, Inc., Vicksburg (Mississippi). The platform was about 9 million pounds and 180 by 150 feet, and three legs were 140 feet long when fully extended. The platform was introduced in the desired position drilling until the feet have been deployed, and the body was then reassembled above the waves by electric motors. The SCORPION was delivered at the beginning of 1956 and commissioned at Galveston in March 1956 and proceeded to contribution to drilling in the Gulf of the Mexico during the rest of the year.
In 1956, Zapata Petroleum officers include J. Hugh Liedtke as President George H.W. Bush as vice president and William Brumley Midland, Texas, Treasurer. The Board of Directors, aligned as follows:
George H.W. Bush, Midland, Texas;
Captain Gammell, Edinburgh. Scotland, the Manager of British assets trust limited;
J. Hugh Liedtke, Midland, Texas;
William C. Liedtke, independent oil operator, Midland, Texas;
Arthur E. Palmer, Jr., New York, NY, a partner at Winthrop Stimson, Putnam and Roberts;
G.H. Walker Jr. (Uncle Herbie), managing partner of G.H. Walker & Co., New York, NY;
Howard J. Whitehill, independent oil producer of Tulsa, Oklahoma;
Eugene F. Williams, Jr., Secretary of the Société de fiducie Union St. Louis in St. Louis, Missouri;
D.D. Bovaird, President of the Bovaird Supply Co. of Tulsa, Oklahoma and Chairman of the Board of the branch of Oklahoma City federal District’s tenth of the Federal Reserve Board; and
George L. Coleman, investment, Miami, Oklahoma.
A that year acting Director was Richard E. Fleming of Robert Fleming and Co., London, England. Lawyers were listed as Baker, Botts, Andrews & Shepherd in Houston, Texas; Auditors Arthur Andersen in Houston, and transfer agents were J.P. Morgan & Co., Inc., of New York City and the First National Bank and Trust Company of Tulsa. [fn 15]
George Bush was personally much more involved in the financial management of the company as to its actual activities of oil fields. Its main activity was not find oil or drilling wells, but, as he himself said, ‘ stretching paper ‘-on more debt and make new financial arrangements with creditors. [fn 16]
In 1956, despite the continuation of losses and thanks once again to Uncle Herbie, Zapata was able to float yet another offer, this time a convertible debenture for $2.15 million for the purchase of a second Le Tourneau, platform drilling, the VINEGAROON, named after an insect scathing of west Texas. The VINEGAROON was delivered in 1957 and soon scored a success « lucky » drilling in block 86 off Vermilion Parish, Louisiana. It was a combination of gas and oil, and property was estimated at 113 barrels of distillate and 3.6 million feet of gas per day. [fn 17] This was especially profitable because Zapata had acquired a half-interest in the royalty of the oil or gas that could be found. VINEGAROON then continued to drill in Louisiana in a leasing oil of Continental, also off the coast of the parish of Vermilion.
With regard to the SCORPION, for part of 1957, he was under contract with the oil company Bahama-California, drilling between Florida and Cuba. It was then leased by Gulf Oil and Standard Oil of California, whom he began to drill in 1958 at Cay Sal Bank position, 131 miles south of Miami, Florida, and only 54 miles north of Isabela, Cuba. Cuba has been an interesting place right now; the insurgency, supported by the United States, Fidel Castro was quickly undermine the old established regime of Fulgencio Batista. This meant that the Scorpion was located in a hot corner.
In 1957, some divergence began to appear between Uncle Herbie Walker Bush and the « New York guy » on one side and the Leclerc brothers and their Tulsa backers on the other. As noted in the annual report for the year, « there no doubt that the business of drilling in the Gulf of the Mexico has become much more competitive in the last six months he has been at any time in the past. » Despite this, Bush, Walker and New York investors wanted to push forward in the offshore drilling and drilling company services, while the Liedtkes and the Tulsa group wanted to focus on the acquisition of petroleum in soil deposits and natural gas.
The annual report of 1958 noted that with no major discovery made, 1958 had been « a difficult year. » It was, of course, the brutal Eisenhower recession year. SCOPRPION, VINEGAROON and NOLA I, three platforms of the offshore company, could not be left fully occupied in the Gulf of Mexico throughout the year, and therefore Zapata Offshore had lost $524 441, over Zapata Petroleum own loss of $427 752 for this year. The point of view of Leclerc resulted in the notation that « disposition of the offshore business has been examined. » Great Tycoon Bush conceded in the Zapata Offshore annual report 1958: ‘ we predicted erroneously that the largest companies [oil] would have active drilling programs for 1958.» These drilling programs simply failed… » In 1990, Bush denied for months that there’s a recession and through 1991 said that the recession was over when he had long put in depression. His blindness on economic conditions appears to be nothing again.
In 1959, have been reported to increase the personal tensions between j. Hugh Liedtke overbearing and abrasive on the one hand and uncle Herbie Walker Bush on the other. Liedtke was obsessed with his plan for the creation of a new major oil company, boundless ambition that would propel it a strewn path of companies of asset-stripped devastating wars in Pennzoil-Getty-Texaco of a quarter of a century later. This year, two groups of investors arrived at a separation which was described as « friendly », and which in any case never interrupted the close cooperation between the Bush and the Liedtke brothers. The solution was that the ubiquitous Herbie Uncle would buy on the participation of 40% Leclerc-Tulsa in Zapata Offshore, while Liedtke funders would buy on the interest of Bush-Walker in Zapata Petroleum.
To do this, George Bush would still require another large infusion of capital. Now Uncle Herbie triggered yet another slice of George, this time $800 000. The money reportedly came from relatives and friends of Bush-Walker. [fn 18] Even if Uncle Herbie faithful efforts are taken into account, it is always surprising to see a series of large infusions of cash in a small poorly managed company which had published a series of substantial losses and whose future prospects were far from pink. At this stage, it is therefore legitimate to ask the question: was Zapata Offshore a waterfront community of intelligence at its foundation in 1954, or that she later become 1959 one, or perhaps at a time? Cannot answer this question with the purpose.
George Bush was now the President of his own company, the undisputed boss of Zapata Offshore. Well the company was lagging behind the rest of the offshore drilling industry, Bush made an attempt to piecemeal expansion through diversification, investing in a company of machines for plastics in New Jersey, a Texas company pipe lining and a gas transportation company; None of these investments proved profitable.
On the other hand, Hugh Liedtke business approach has been aggressive point of picaresque. Lecavalier has decided that he would use the money that he had decided to go back for the sale of his interest in the ot Zapata Offshore Uncle Herbie to take a giant step on the road to the building of the high flight company oil of his dreams, a new sister for the Anglo-American oil cartel. In the Malthusian mentality of Liedtke, drilling for oil is no longer makes sense, since all the major discoveries made: was what mattered now to buy oil that already existed. His immediate objective was South Penn Oil Company, the owner of a piece of the Bradford oil field, and the producer of a brand called Pennzoil motor oil, it was sold by the quarter in yellow feature cans. South Penn owned a significant amount of oil in the ground. In order to take control of the South Penn, Liedtke capitalized on his personal knowledge of J. Paul Getty, founder of Getty Oil, whom he knew since the Getty showed an engagement party in honor of Leclerc at the home of the Skelly Tulsa family during the years of decline in the second world war. J. Paul Getty owned about 10% of the stock of South Penn. Liedtke assembled an investment partnership and matched set of Getty with a participation of 10% of its own. Liedtke reassured hypocritically management of Southe Penn that he accumulated their stock « for investment purposes only. » When Leclerc had purchased as much stock as he had funds to afford, he had call to Getty honor a previous commitment and j. Hugh Liedtke as the new president of South Penn. Getty, who had been a privateer of the stockmarket in the 1920s, when he designed the hostile takeover of Tide Water Associated oil, supported Liedtke, and the former Directorate of South Penn was ousted in favour of Liedtke team. J. Hugh Liedkte Zapata Petroleum with South Penn merged and the new company named Pennzoil.
Now j. Hugh Liedtke, like J. Paul Getty, had completed a hostile takeover of his own. After a few years, Leclerc would run a second company raid, this time the takoever of United Gas Pipeline Company of Shreveport, Louisiana. United gas operated 8 800 miles of pipeline and transported approximately 7% of the natural gas consumed in the United States. Hugh and Bill Liedtke calculated that United gas infrastructure was expensive to build and install, but it would be cheap to operate. Run gas United in the soil could generate prodigious amounts of cash. This money could then be raised by the Liedtkes to buy other companies. In addition, United gas belonging to oil, copper, sulphur and other mineral deposits. Gas United was a company that approximately six times the size of Pennzoil, but the Liedtkes started to acquire shares.
Problems arise when the intentions of the Liedtke brothers became notorious: the United gas prices rose sharply, and a rival group of gas United stock buyers appeared. « As the Pennzoil Board pondered his next move, a Scotsman, Director proposed a new strategy: a takeover bid in cash, a practice Busters who was almost unknown in the United States, but has been widely used in Great Britain. » Pennzoil could publicly announce the price offer to the public as a portion of the shares; shareholders, fearing that the price of the shares would tumble once the offer has been closed, would be « soft », as many Pennzoil shares could afford to buy. Thunderstruck management of the company, has withstood all possible ways, but flooded actions and before long Pennzoil held 42% of the [United gas]. » [fn 19] The Scots in question could have only Captain Gammell, who had remained with the Liedtkes as a member of their Board of Directors. It was the same Gammell whom Bush and uncle Herbie had brought to the United States to invest in the Bush-Overbey in 1950. Gammell had brought with him British stockjobbing methods particularly virulent anthrax. Pennzoil had to borrow a quarter of 1 billion dollars to buy the stock of United gas, but when the dust had settled, Pennzoil had increased by 500%, almost exclusively based on borrowed money, wear and debt.
The Raptors Liedtke Brothers subsequently submit gas United to a brutal process of counting of assets. They forced the United gas to pay $20 million of dividends in addition to Pennzoil United gas ever won. They have posted the most profitable branches of United gas, particularly oil and mineral deposits and transferred to Pennzoil. They forced the gas United fork over $100 million worth of preferred shares of Pennzoil in the form of dividend the other. This amounted to a transfer of $100 million of the capital of United gas in the coffers of Liedtke.
In 1972, George Bush was a member of the cabinet of the Nixon Administration insider, speaking on behalf of Tricky Dick and Kissinger at the United Nations. Influence of George must have been conducive to the efforts of the Liedkte brothers to put two of their lawyers from Baker & Botts on the Federal Power Commission. These stooges in place Liedtke, the Federal Power Commission proceeded to approve a series of transactions whereby United gas, ignoring the existing contracts, diverted from natural gas for delivery in Louisiana for other markets where the price was much higher. The result of this tyrannical greed had a shortage of severe gas in Louisiana, which impacted the industrial users and domestic consumption. The Governor of Louisiana Edwin Edwards then declared during the winter of 1972 that « the health and safety of millions of citizens of Louisiana are seriously threatened » because of these machinations Liedtke. Governor Edwards denounced ‘absolute disregard for the public interest in that State’ share of Pennzoil and the gas. There were layoffs in industrial installations, and at least a legal action accused Liedkte concerns of breaching their existing contracts. Estimated overall (by South Central utilities) that a huge extra $200 million had been added for gas and electricity customers in the deep South, the poorest part of the United States, in order to ensure supplies of replacement of the boiler fuel. But the Liedtke brothers were not disturbed by all this, because they became multimillionaires by the looting and stripping the assets of gas United.
In 1974, the Liedtkes decided that the carcass despoiled gas United should now Jetty drift. The story of this latest sordid chapter of the plundering of the United gas was entitled « Love Her and leaving » by Forbes magazine: « which, critics say, is exactly what the brothers of Liedkte done with United gas – acquisition, defloration, then reject. ». [fn 20] As Forbes also noted, « contacts with men like Johnson, Connally and Bush never made the Liedktes of evil. » It was considered doubtful that United gas post-Liedtke could prevent collapse due to its considerably weakened state. But, with Watergate and the collapse of the cartel power Nixon, the Liedktes had exceeded now which would bear the traffic in Washington. Federal regulatory authorities forced the greedy brothers to return the transfer of capital of $100 million preferred shares. The Liedtkes were also nailed for insider buying 125,000 shares just Pennzoil before the stock has increased, as the news of the transfer of $100 million was known on Wall Street. they had to pay $108 125 in profits thus made, and they were obliged to sign a consent decree that they never repeat a caper of this kind. But it was a totally negligible when measured amount against major oil reserves of gas United that Pennzoil was allowed to keep.
During the end of the 1970s, the Liedkte brothers receive an entry in the People’s Republic of China through acquired personal links there by their partner and life buddy former activity, George Bush. And later, during the Reagan-Bush years, when federal regulatory intervention against monstrous scholarship scam virtually disappeared as a result of George Bush on the regulatory relief working group, j. Hugh Liedtke, at this time the nickname of « Chairman Mao », sports would be the protagonist of the war of Pennzoil/Getty/Texaco, a fire that has devastated all the pieces of a fatally weakened the United States economy. And in the next few days, J. Hugh Liedtke would repeatedly make display of its ongoing close friendship with his former business partner George Bush. [fn 21]
In 1959-60, George Bush has been operating from its new corporate base in Houston, Texas, where Zapata Offshore had transferred during the separation of the Liedktes. The economic conditions are slowly improving and capacity of Uncle Herbie to mobilize capital authorized George to move towards the expansion of its fleet of offshore drilling equipment. By 1963 Zapata Offshore had four operational platforms: SIDEWINDER, VINEGAROON, SCORPION/NOLA I and III of NOLA. Interest of Bush drew down to the Gulf at Galveston, is in New Orleans, then further to the East and to the South of Miami, and yet more away towards southern Cuba, target of the operation huge covert action which the Eisenhower Administration, advised by father Prescott Bush, assembled in Florida of the South and the Guatemala under the code name of JM/WAVE , which, in the spring of 1961, would become manifest in the world in the form of the Bay of pigs attempted invasion of Cuba.
In a Zapata Offshore annual report published a few years later, Bush issued the following description of the nature of the business:
Historically, some major oil companies have owned their own drilling offshore platforms. These operators prefer contracts for drilling services and their crews of independent contractors, normally on the basis of one day of fixed cost. This policy allows operators to guarantee the best type of rigging for each job and relieves the responsibility to keep their own platforms occupied when their programs are limited.
Contractors who provide these platforms compete among themselves to provide the crews and more efficient equipment. Given that the cost of such equipment is large, contractors must also have the proper type of rigging at or near lease of the operator at the time when the operator wants to drill its wells.
Offshore contract drilling differs from the drilling contract on land in many ways. Most of the entrepreneurs of land agreed to drill a hole at a certain depth for a cost fixed. Thus, the dangers of drilling encountered in the field are normally borne by the contractor. Given that delivered offshore contractors normally material on a basis of day-fines, most of the risks through a hole drilled in the offshore are supported by the operator. Operators have representatives aboard offshore rigs which they committed themselves to guide the actions to be taken in case of malfunction when drilling.
A typical plot of drilling costs between 500 000 and $1 100 000. A standalone to off the coast of drilling costs between $3 500 000 and $7 500 000. Thus, offshore contractors have an investment much more important in the equipment to land contractors. For this reason, the number of competing companies to offshore is smaller. [fn 22]
This indicates clearly that the most important for Zapata Offshore had contracts with the oil companies of the cartel’s seven sisters Anglo-American, the oligopoly of petroleum in the world who, over the years, defended his domination of the world market of oil with the killing of Enrico Mattei, President of the Ente Nazionale Idrocarburi, the Italian State Oil Company, who had dared to undercut the arrogant of the seven sisters looting methods and challenge the oligopoly in North Africa and the Arab world. In the early years of Zapata Offshore contracts were come to Gulf Oil and Standard Oil of California, as we have seen. During the beginning of the 1960s, contracts more and more come from the components of Royal Dutch Shell, the Anglo-Dutch combine Seven Sisters heart, strength strategic dominant in the oligopoly. Zapata Offshore soon had insurance British, British markets, British investors, a British Director and drilling sites in the oil fields of the British Commonwealth in many parts of the world. This should be no surprise: after all, partner of Prescott Bush, Averell Harriman, had sent special Roosevelt to Churchill in the first years of the second world war, and Averell later married the ex-wife divorced from the son of Randolph Churchill.
Although Zapata Offshore is a company of modest dimensions, Bush has nevertheless created a network of subsidiaries which was strangely complex. This topic is difficult to research because of the disappearance of very convenient of the filings of Zapata Offshore with the Securities and Exchange Commission in Washington during the year 1960-1966, which were « inadvertently » destroyed by a federal warehouse. It is the kind of practice of falsification of official documents that Bush received again during his career, according to the report of combat on San Jacinto in 1944 to the disappearance of the bands Hashemi-PÖTTINGER and the shredding of documents of the Iran-contra more recently.
Some illumination is provided by a short profile of the Zapata Offshore Company substructure sought by a Mr. Allan Mandel and subject to Texas Senator Ralph Yarborough on October 13, 1964, in the middle of the attempt by Bush to dethrone the Senator. [fn 23] This report was based on « Standard and Poors, publications of the oil industry [and] personal interviews with officials of the Ministry of the Interior. »
At that time, Mr. Mandel found Zapata Offshore owned 50% of Compnay Offshore Seacat-Zapata, who operated the NOLA III drill in the Persian Gulf. In addition, Mandel identified Zapata Offshore following subsidiaries:
A. Zapata of Mexico
B. Zapata International Corporation
C. Zapata lining Corporation
D. Zavala Oil Company
E. Zapata Overseas Corporation
F. Zapata owns 41% of Amata Gas Corporation.
Lining of Zapata was the pipe lining of concern; She was sold in 1964. The property of Amata gas has been shared with the American Research and Development Corporation in Boston. The annual report of Zapata for 1964 is strangely silent on other companies, with the exception of Seacat Zapata.
George Bush has always loved secret, and this seems to have extended to commercial – or alleged commercial activities – Zapata Offshore activities. A small window on a range of semi-secret activity and secret and transactions in these years is provided by information published recently on business dealings ladles of Bush with Jorge Diaz Serrano of Mexico, the former leader (1976-1981) of the Mexican national oil company Pemex, who was convicted and imprisoned for defrauding the Government of $58 million. In 1960, Bush and Diaz Serrano secretly worked together to set up a Mexican drilling company called Perforaciones Marinas del Golfo, or Permargo. At that time, Diaz Serrano had worked as a salesman for Dresser Industries, old firm of Bush. Diaz Serrano came in contact with an American industrialist who wanted to drill in Mexico; a Mexican law new stipulated that drilling contracts could be given to Mexican nationals. The American tanker was Edwin Pauley of Pan American Petroleum Corp. When Diaz Serrano wanted to buy the drill of Dresser Industries, convenient demanded taking Diaz on Bush as a co-owner of the company. In 1988, Bush Peter Hart spokesperson conceded that Bush and Zapata had been partners with Diaz Serrano, but argued that the partnership lasted only seven months.
Diaz Serrano is very open, to be a personal friend of Bush. « Remembered a man that loves and appreciates, » said Diaz, who wanted to become the President of Mexico, before he was sentenced to five years in prison for appropriating Government money; business relationships spawned « a friendship which I am most proud. » In 1982, Díaz Serrano was made the Mexico Ambassador to Moscow, and he stopped to talk with Bush at the White House on his way to his new assignment.
« Bush reciprocation of friendship: »I have a lot of respect for Jorge, »Bush told People Magazine in 1981; I consider him a friend. »
One of the partners of Jorge Diaz Serrano in the drilling deal has been his long-time partner, Jorge Escalante, who also remained in contact with Bush during the intervening years, a fact that Bush’s Office also confirmed.
Bush was clearly dishonest that Zapata Offshore annual reports do not mention this deal with Permargo, who created a company that was in direct competition with Zapata Offshore itself, much at the expense of the « shareholder value » as Bush professed to hold sacred whenever his clique of friends was on the track of a new acquisition debt. Bush may also have illegally hidden relationships of government business. Deposits Zapata Offshore with the SEC between 1955 and 1959 are cryptic, and the SEC on Zapata Offshore files between 1960 and 1966, when Bush had exclusive control of the company, were destroyed by the SEC in 1981, when Bush had just become Vice President, either a little later, in October 1983, according to various officials of the SEC. Perhaps these files have been deleted not only to protect the Bush, but also to protect Zapata Offshore as a front operation for the U.S. intelligence community. 1964 Zapata offshore annual report notes that drilling barge NOLA I was sold « to a subsidiary of a Mexican drilling company » because it had become « a marginal activity » that it could not be used in the summer due to lack of seaworthiness in bad weather, but even this annual report does not name Permargo, which seems to be the Mexican company, which purchased NOLA I. [fn 24]
Diaz recalls that Bush was a highly political businessman in 1960: « at that time, I remember very clearly, it was a very young guy when we talked about the business with him at his office he spent more time on the phone talking about policy than to pay attention to the business of drilling. » He was a politician. »
Bush business dealings had brought in direct contact with a certain number of the corporate raiders who would later be on the paroxysm of speculation, looting and wear that will mark the Reagan-Bush years. The Permian of the 1940s and 1950s basin had attracted personalities such as the Liedtke brothers, their friend Blaine Kerr and T. Boone Pickens, all eminent practitioners of buyouts, hostile Takeovers, the greenmail, mergers and acquisitions in the 1980s. George Bush has been in contact with them and the Kravis of Tulsa family. Nick Brady of Dillon, Reed is an old friend of the family who would join in the orgy of the 1980s. Frank Lorenzo also would come into the picture a little later. Success of the main activity of Bush was in the Assembly of this Legion of greed as a basis for political support at latest.
Otherwise, Bush was a businessman of very mediocre success, kept afloat by constant capital infusions of his Herbie doting uncle.
Return to Table of contents
1 Harry Hurt III, « George Bush, brave boy », Texas monthly, June 1983.
2 see Sarah Bartlett, the money Machine: how KKR manufactured by power and profit (New York, 1991), pp. 9-12.
3 Darwin Payne, Initiative in energy: Dresser Industries, Inc., 1880-1978 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979), pp. 232 ff.
4 Bartlett, the money Machine, p. 268.
5 Darwin Payne, Initiative in energy, pp. 232-233.
6 Harry Hurt III, « George Bush, brave boy », Texas monthly, June 1983.
7 Harry Hurt III, « George Bush, brave boy », Texas monthly, June 1983.
8. « battle Bush the Wimp factor, Newsweek, October 19, 1987.
9. see Richard Ben Kramer, « how he got here, »Esquire,. June 1991.
10. see Thomas Petzinger, Jr., the oil and honor: the Texaco-Pennzoil wars (New York, 1987), p. 37 ff.
11 Petzinger, p. 93.
12 Petzinger, p. 40.
13 see the annual reports of Zapata Petroleum, library of Congress Microform reading room.
14 Petzinger, p. 41.
15 see Zapata Petroleum Corporation annual report for 1956, microforms, Library of Congress reading room.
16 Harry Hurt III, p. 194.
17. « Zapata Petroleum Corp., » Fortune, April 1958. « .
18 Walter Pincus and Bob Woodward, « Doing well with the help of family, friends, » Washington Post, August 11, 1988.
19 Petzinger, p. 63.
20. « his love and leave, » Forbes, September 15, 1974, pp. 54-5.
21 see Petzinger, pp. 64-67.
22 Zapata Offshore annual report 1964, microform reading room, library of Congress.
23 see the record of Bush, papers Yarborough, Eugene C. Barker Texas History Center, University of Texas, Austin.
24 see Jonathan Kwitny, « The Mexican Connection of George Bush », Barron, September 19, 1988.
Surviving the Cataclysm
George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin
Chapter VIII – b – The Bay of pigs and the KENNEDY assassination
« … JM/wave… .proliferated through [Florida] in preparation for the invasion of the Bay of pigs. A subculture of fronts, will believe, suppliers, transfer agents, pipes, shell companies, goes blind, agencies of detectives, law firms, e-businesses, shopping centres, airlines, radio stations, the crowd and the Church and the banks: a false and secret system nervous tics to stimuli provided by the cortex in clandestine Services in Langley. After the defeat on the beach in Cuba, JM/WAVE became a Miami Station continued and extended, largest in the continental of the United States by the CIA. A large sign before the […] complex building reads as follows: US Government regulations prohibit DISCUSSION of this organization or facility.
Donald freed, death in Washington (Westport, Connecticut, 1980), p. 141.
The review offered so far by activities of George Bush during the late 1950s and early 1960s is almost certainly incomplete on some very important points. There is good reason to believe that Bush was engaged in something more than just the company of oil during these years. From the time of the Bay of Pigs invasion in the spring of 1961, we have the first advice that Bush, in addition to working for Zapata Offshore, may also have been involved in some covert operations of the US intelligence community.
This participation would certainly consistent with the role of George Prescott Bush, skull and bones, and Brown Brothers, Harriman networks. During the 20th century, Skull and Bones/Harriman circles have always maintained an important and often decisive presence in the intelligence agencies of the State Department, the Department of the Treasury, the office of Naval Intelligence, the Office of strategic Services and the Central Intelligence Agency. Indeed, the Harriman and Anglophile factions of Wall Street financial generally considered parts of the use of devices State with intelligence and covert operations as their very special property, property that was to remain stocked with control networks in order to effectively guide the top. For George Bush to interface with the intelligence community ostensibly engaged in his business career would be consistent with this well-established model.
A body of prospects has been assembled, suggesting that George Bush may have been associated with the CIA sometime before the fall of 1963. According to Joseph McBride of The Nation, « a source with close ties to the intelligence community confirms that Bush began working for the Agency in 1960 or 1961, using his company’s oil as a cover for clandestine activities ». 1 by the time of the Kennedy assassination, we have an official document from the FBI which refers to « Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency », and despite the official creation, there is every reason to believe that it is indeed the man to today White House. The mystery of George Bush as a secret operator possible relies on four points, each of which represents one of the major political scandals and espionage of postwar American history. These four cardinal points are:
1. invasion abortive Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, has launched 16 and April 17, 1961, prepared with the help of the CIA « Miami Station » (also known as code JM/wave). After the failure of the amphibious landing of the Brigade 2506, Miami station, under the direction of Théodore Shackley, became the focus for operation Mongoose, a series of covert operations against Castro (Cuba) and possibly other targets.
2. the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas on November 22, 1963 and the concealment of those responsible for this crime.
3. the Watergate scandal, starting with an April 1971 visit in Miami, Florida, by E. Howard Hunt on the tenth anniversary of the invasion of the Bay of pigs to recruit its staff for the unit surveys special White House (the ‘Plumber’ and later Watergate burglars) among Cuban-American Veterans Bay of pigs.
4. the case of Iran-contra, which became a public scandal in October-November 1986, several including central figures, such as Felix Rodriguez, were also veterans of the Bay of pigs.
Role of George Bush in Watergate and the October surprise/Iran-contra complex is discussed in detail in sections later in this book. At the moment, it is important to see that thirty years of covert operations, in many ways, form a very continuous. This is particularly true with regard to the dramatis personae. Georgia Anne Geyer point to evidence in a recent book: « … » a whole new Cuban framework now emerged from the Bay of pigs. The names of Howard Hunt, Bernard Barker, Rolando Martinez, Felix Rodriguez and Eugenio Martinez, in the next quarter century, would pop up, often in decisive ways, over and over again in the most dangerous crises of American foreign policy. There were Cubans, flying missions of the CIA in the Congo and even for the Portuguese in Africa; The Cubans were the Watergate burglars; The Cubans played a key role in Nicaragua, in the Iran-Contra affair, in the American gesture in the Persian Gulf. » 2 Felix Rodriguez told us that it was infiltrated in Cuba with the other members of the team « grey » in conjunction with the landing of the Bay of pigs; This is the same man that we find to lead efforts to supply contra in Central America during the 1980s, working under the direct supervision of Don Gregg and George Bush. 3 Theodore Shackley, the JM/WAVE station chief, will appear later in the presidential campaign of Bush’s 1979-80.
To a very large extent, these covert operations (and the major political scandals that accompanied their) have used the same pool of staff. They are significantly the work of the same crowd. It is therefore significant to extrapolate forward and backwards in time the individuals and groups of individuals who appear as the cast of characters in a scandal and compare them with the cast of characters for the other scandals, including those side that have not been listed here. Howard Hunt, for example, appears as a part of confirmed the overthrow of the Government of Guatemala of Jacopo Arbenz in 1954, as an important element of the chain of command in the Bay of pigs, as a person repeatedly accused of having been in Dallas the day Kennedy was shot, and as a central Watergate figure. (One can ask what secrets, after all, were contained in the safe of Howard Hunt, whose content was so conventiently depth « caregivers » by the Director of the FBI Patrick Gray).
George Bush is clearly one of the main protagonists of the Watergate scandal and was Executive Director of the Iran-contra. As it appears especially in Iran-contra, near the Bay of pigs survivals, it is certainly legitimate to ask what had to begin his association with the Cubans of the Bay of pigs.
1959 was the year when Bush began to operate out of his seat of Zapata Offshore in Houston; It was also the year that Fidel Castro took power in Cuba. Officially, as we have seen, George was now a businessman whose work has sometimes led to Louisiana, where Zapata had offshore drilling operations. George must have been a frequent visitor to New Orleans. Due to the estate of his family on the island of Jupiter, he was also often vacationing in the Hobe Sound area. And then, there were Zapata Offshore drilling in the Straits of Florida. Throughout these activities, material biographical official ‘red Studebaker’ and Zapata Offshore annual reports are extremely enigmatic.
Connection Jupiter Island and father of Prescott Brown Brothers, Harriman/skull and bones networks are probably the key. Jupiter Island meant Averell Harriman, Robert Lovett, C. Douglas Dillon and other financial Anglophile who headed the American community of intelligence long before there was a CIA at all. And, in the back yard of the Olympians Jupiter Island and under their direction, a powerful secret operations base was now in the process of Assembly, where George Bush was present at the creation as a matter of birthright.
During 1959-60, Allen Dulles and the Eisenhower Administration began to assemble in the South Florida infrastructure for covert actions against Cuba. It’s the JM/WAVE capability, more later officially incorporated as the CIA Miami station. JM/WAVE was an operational centre for the project of the system of the Eisenhower to stage an invasion of Cuba with a secret army of Cuban exiles organized, armed, trained, transported and directed by the CIA. The Cubans, called Brigade 2506, trained in secret camps in the Guatemala, and they had air support from B-26 bombers, based at the Nicaragua. This invasion was crushed by forces for the defence of Castro in less than three days.
Before going with the plan so eagerly that touted by Allen Dulles, Kennedy established the precondition that, under no circumstances would there be direct intervention by us military forces against Cuba. On the one hand, Dulles had assured Kennedy that the news of the invasion would trigger an insurgency that would sweep Castro and his regime. On the other hand, Kennedy had to worry cause a global thermonuclear confrontation with the Soviet Union, in the event that N.S. Khrushchev decided to respond to a maneuver of Cuban Americans, for example, cutting off U.S. access to Berlin.
Indices of the secret presence of George Bush are scattered here and there, in the Bay of Pigs invasion. According to some accounts, the code name for the Bay of pigs was operation Pluto. 4 but the veteran of the Bay of pigs Howard Hunt rejects with contempt that was code-named JM/WAVE personnel; Hunt writes: « then maybe the Pentagon referred to the invasion of the Brigade than Pluto. » CIA did not. » 5 but hunt tells us not what was the CIA code name and the contents of the era of Watergate de Hunt White House safe, who could tell us the answer, were of course « dumped » by the Director of the FBI Patrick Gray. A code name frequently used by the staff of the CIA Station in Miami seems to have been « Don Eduardo, » roughly the Spanish equivalent of « Dr. Edward » or maybe « Mr. Ed. » 6
According to reliable sources and published accounts, the code name for the CIA for the Bay of Pigs invasion was operation Zapata and the plan was covered by Richard Bissell of the CIA, one of the proponents of the plan, in a briefing to President Kennedy in the Cabinet, on March 29, 1961. 7 operation Zapata has something to do with Zapata Offshore? The banal Bushman may respond that Emiliano Zapata, after all, was a public figure in her own right and the subject of a recent Hollywood movies with Marlon Brando. J. Hugh Liedtke had observed, it was the classic figure for revolutionary-cum-bandit. A more knowledgeable Bushman might argue that the main landings, the Playa Girón Beach, is located south of the city of Cienfuegos on the will of Zapata, on the South coast of Cuba.
Then, there is the question of the Brigade 2506 landing fleet, composed of five elderly cargo purchased or chartered to the Garcia Steamship Lines, bearing the names of Houston, Rio Esondido, Caribe, Atlanticand Lake Charles. In addition to these vessels, which were equipped as transport ships, there are two somewhat better armed support midges, the Blagar and Barbara. (In some sources Barbara J.) 8 Barbara was originally a LCI (Landing Craft Infantry) of the previous vintage. Our attention is drawn both to the Barbara and Houston, in the first case because we have seen used by George Bush to appoint its combat aircraft, after his wife, and in the second case, because Bush was at that time a resident, booster and Republican activist in Houston, Texas. But of course, the aspect of names like « Zapata, » Barbara, and Houston can by itself only arouse suspicion and proves nothing.
After the ignominious defeat of the invasion of the Bay of pigs, there is great animosity against Kennedy, among the survivors of the 2506 Brigade, some of them have finally made their way back to Miami after being released from the camps of prisoner of war of Castro. There was also great animosity against Kennedy, from the JM/WAVE personnel.
During the early 1950s, E. Howard Hunt had been the CIA station chief in Mexico City. As David Atlee Phillips (another veteran JM/WAVE embittered) tells us in his autobiographical story, The Night Watch, Howard Hunt had been immediately of a young CIA recruit named William F. Buckley, the Yale graduate and member of Skull and Bones who later founded National Review. In his autobiographical, written during the days of the Watergate scandal, Hunt includes the following tirade on the Bay of pigs:
No case since communisation of China in 1949 has had such a profound effect on the United States and its allies as the defeat of the U.S. Cuban invasion brigade trained at the Bay of pigs in April 1961.
Of that humiliation was born the wall of Berlin, the missile crisis, guerrillas throughout Latin America and Africa and our Dominican Republic intervention. Triumph of Castros bridgehead opened Pandora’s box without bottom of difficulties which have affected not only to the United States, but most of his allies in the free world. These bloody and subversive events would not have held if Castro had been overthrown. Instead of standing firm, our Government accumulated basically bad decisions and allowed the 2506 Brigade to destroy. The Kennedy administration gave Castro all the excuse that he needed to get a grip tighter on the island of Jose Marti, then coyly moved in the shadows and hope that the Cuban issue would simply melt away.9
Hunt was typical of the opinion that the debacle was because Kennedy and not the responsibility of men like Allen Dulles and Richard Bissell, who had designed and recommended. After embarrassing invasion, which never mentioned the hope of spontaneous Castro insurgency, Kennedy fired Allen Dulles, his Deputy Harrimanite Bissell and CIA Deputy Director Charles Cabell (whose brother was the Mayor of Dallas at the time that Kennedy was shot).
In the days after the debacle of the Bay of pigs, Kennedy was deeply suspicious of the intelligence community and proposals for military escalation in general, including in places like the Southern Viet Nam. Kennedy sought to procure an outside, expert on military matters opinion. To do this, he turned to the former Commander in Chief of the Southwest Pacific Theater during World War II, Gen. Douglas MacArthur. Almost ten years ago, a reliable source shared with one of the authors of a meeting between Kennedy and MacArthur in which the veteran general cautioned the young president that there are elements inside the Government of the United States emphatically, who shared not his patriotic motives, and who were not seeking to destroy his administration of the Interior. MacArthur has warned that the forces to destroy Kennedy were concentrated in the financial community of Wall Street and its various tentacles in the intelligence community.
It is public knowledge that Kennedy has met with MacArthur at the end of April, 1961 after the Bay of pigs. According to the help of Kennedy Theodore Sorenson, MacArthur told Kennedy, « the chickens are coming home to roost, and you happen to have just moved into the chicken coop. » 10. at the same meeting, according to Sorenson, MacArthur « warned [Kennedy] against the commitment of American soldiers walking on the Asian continent and the President never forgot this Council. » 11. This is confirmed reluctantly by Arthur M. Schlesinger, a friend of Kennedy who had a direct interest in vilifying MacArthur, who wrote that « MacArthur expressed his old vision that all those wishing to commit U.S. ground forces to the Mainland [of Asia] should have examined the head ». MacArthur 12 restated this Council during a second meeting with Kennedy, when the general returned from his last trip to the far East in July 1961.
Kennedy a professional military advice of MacArthur highly value and used to hold at arms length these advisors are arguing for escalation in Laos, the Viet Nam and elsewhere. He repeatedly invited those that offered to send ground forces in Asia to convince MacArthur that would like a good idea. If they could convince MacArthur, then he, Kennedy, might also go along. At that time, the Group offers climbing the Viet Nam (as well as prepare the assassination of President Diem) had a heavy connotation of Brown Brothers, Harriman/Skull and Bones: the 1961-63 hawks were Harriman, McGeorge Bundy, William Bundy, Henry Cabot Lodge and some oligarchs in London and theorists of counterinsurgency wars key. And of course, George Bush in these years was calling for an escalation in Vietnam and challenging Kennedy to « gather the courage » to try a second invasion of Cuba. In the meantime, the JM/WAVE-Miami complex station was in full swing to become the largest of the many satellites of Langley. Its center was the former Richmond Naval Air Station South of Miami, who had been a base for anti-submarine airships during World War II. In the years after the failure of the Bay of pigs, this complex had up to 3 000 Cuban agents and subagents, with a small army of case officers to lead and take care of each other. According to a testimony, there were at least 55 companies dummy to provide all these co-operatives employment, coverage and disguised commercial. There are offices of the detective, gun shops, real estate brokerages, repair of vessels and party for fishing and other entertainment. There were clandestine Radio Swan, later renamed Radio Americas. There are fleets of specially modified boats based at Homestead Marina and of other marinas throughout the Florida Keys. Officers were assigned to the University of Miami and other learning institutions.
The rationale was now massive capacity commissioned by Théodore Shackley operation Mongoose, a program for sabotage raids and assassinations to be carried out on Cuban territory, with a special effort to eliminate Fidel Castro personally. To run these operations of the American territory, flagrant violation of federal and state laws has been the order of the day. Documents relating to the integration of the businesses have been falsified. Income statements are false. FAA regulations have been violated by planes taking off to Cuba or advanced bases in the Bahamas and elsewhere. Explosives crossed public roads that were full of civilian traffic. The Munitions Act, the law of neutrality, customs and immigration laws are routinely flouted. 13. above all, the drug laws have been massively violated as the gallant anti-Communist fighters filled their planes and boats with some illegal narcotics to be smuggled back to the United States on their return from their missions. In 1963, the secret activities of drug traffickers of the agents have begun to attract attention. JM/WAVE, in short, accelerated the slide of South Florida to the status of capital of drug and murder to the United States, it reaches in the 1980s, when he became also famous like Chicago during Prohibition.
It may not be within the purview of this study to even begin to address the reasons for which some major elements of the Anglo-American financial oligarchy, perhaps having certain types of support of aristocratic and neo-fascist Europe continental networks, ordered the assassination of Kennedy. The British and climbing Harrimanites wanted in Vietnam; at the time of his assassination, Kennedy is committed to a withdrawal of US forces. Kennedy, as evidenced by his speech from the American University in 1963, is interested also looking for a path more stable avoidance of the war with the Soviets, using American military superiority demonstrated during the the Cuban missile crisis to convince Moscow to accept a policy of peace in the world through economic development. Kennedy was interested in the possibilities of strategic missile defence to put an end to this nightmare of mutually assured destruction that appealed to Henry Kissinger, a former disgruntled employee of the Kennedy administration, which the President had denounced as a madman. Kennedy envisaged initiatives to limit or perhaps remove the usurpation of the Authority during the national currency by the interests of Wall Street and London controlling the federal reserve system. If re-elected for a second term, Kennedy was likely to have reaffirmed presidential control, as opposed to control of Wall Street, on the intelligence community. There is good reason to believe that the Kennedys would have ousted J. Edgar Hoover of his life self-proclaimed at the FBI, by submitting this agency to the presidential control for the first time in many years. Kennedy is committed to a vigorous expansion of the space program, whose cultural impact begins to alarm the financial oligarchs. First and foremost, Kennedy has acted like a man who thought he was the President of the United States, violating the collegiality of oligarchic guardianship of this office which had been in force
Since the last days of Roosevelt. Kennedy also had two younger brothers who could succeed him, putting a strong Presidency beyond the control of the Anglophile liberal establishment East for decades. George Bush joined the opposition Harrimanite to Kennedy on all these points.
After Kennedy was killed in Dallas on November 22, 1963, it was alleged that e. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis were present, perhaps together, in Dallas the day of the shooting, although the veracity of these allegations has never been finally put in place. Hunt and Sturgis were of course veterans of the Bay of pigs who would later appear center stage in Watergate. There were also of allegations that Hunt and Sturgis were part of a group of six to eight wrecks found in boxcars sitting on the track behind the grassy knoll near Dealey Plaza, and which have been played and taken for questioning by police in Dallas, the day of the assassination. Some suspects that Hunt and Sturgis had participated in the assassination. Some of these allegations have been at the centre of the famous case of defamation of hunting 1985 v. Liberty Hall, in which a Florida federal jury condemned the hunt. But, given that the Police service of Dallas and the Sheriff of the County of never photographed or fingerprints « wrecks » in question, so far, it has proved impossible definitively to decide this question. But these allegations and theories on the possible presence and the activities of Hunt and Sturgis in Dallas were sufficiently widespread to compel the Commission on CIA activities within the United States (the Rockefeller Commission) to attempt to refute in its 1975 report. 14
According to the official George Bush biography, it was in 1963 an affluent businessman residing in Houston, occupied Zapata offshore President and the President of the Republican organization of Harris County, support of Barry Goldwater as likely 1964 presidential candidate optimization problems overall, while at the same time actively prepares its own 1964 bid for the U.S. Senate. But during this same period of time, Bush may have shared a few common knowledge with Oswald.
October, 1962 to April 1963, Oswald and his Russian wife Marina were frequently in contact with a couple of Russian émigrés living in Dallas: it was George de Mohrenschildt and his wife Jeanne. During the investigation of the Warren Commission on the assassination of Kennedy, de Mohrenschildt was questioned at length about his contacts with Oswald. When, in the spring of 1977, the discrediting of the report of the Warren Commission as a blatant cover-up was public pressure for a new investigation of the irresistible Kennedy assassination, murders of the planned House Committee for an interview of Mohrenschildt once more. But in March 1977, just before de Mohrenschildt was being interviewed by Gaeton Fonzi of the staff of the House Committee, he was found dead summer in Palm Beach, Florida. His death was quickly ruled a suicide. One of the last people to see living was Epstein, who interviewed de Mohrenschildt also on Kennedy’s assassination for an upcoming book. Epstein is one of the writers on Kennedy’s assassination which it enjoyed excellent relations with the late James Angleton of the CIA. If de Mohrenschildt was living today, it might be able to shed some light on his relations with George Bush and perhaps give us a glimpse of Bush activities at this time.
Jeanne de Mohrenschildt rejected the finding of suicide in the death of her husband. «Eliminated before happened to this Committee, ‘ widow told a journalist in 1978, « because someone did not want him to access.» She also argued that George de Mohrenschildt had been surreptitiously injected with mind-altering drugs. 15 after the death of Mohrenschildt, his personal address book was found, and it contained this entry: « Bush, George H.W. (such as the poppy) «1412 w. Ohio also Zapata Petroleum Midland. » » Of course, there is the problem of the dating of this reference. George Bush had left his office and the Midland House in Houston in 1959, when Zapata Offshore was formed, then perhaps that this reference dates back to sometime before 1959. There is also the number: « 4-6355. Of course, there are numerous other entries, including a W.F. Buckley of the brothers Buckley of New York City, William S. Paley of CBS, much more for men oil, securities and other brokers. 16
George de Mohrenschildt told several different versions of his life, so it’s very difficult to establish the facts concerning him. According to one version, it was Russian count Sergei Mohrenschildt, but when he came to the United States in 1938 he had a Polish Passport identifying him as Jerzy Sergius von Mohrenschildt, born in 1911 in Mozyr, Russia. There may be in fact a Polish officer, or a correspondent to the Press Service of Polish, or none of them. He worked a time for the Embassy of Poland in Washington DC. Some say that de Mohrenschildt has met the President of Humble oil, Blaffer, and that Blaffer procured him a job. Other sources say that during this time, de Mohrenschildt is attached to the Ministry of war. According to some testimonies, he later worked for the second French Office, who wanted to know about the oil exports from the United States to Europe.
De Mohrenschildt in 1941 teamed up with a certain Baron Konstantin von Maydell in a public affairs firm entitled « Facts and Film. » Maydell was considered a Nazi agent by the FBI, and in September 1942, he was sent to North Dakota for an internment that was to last four years. Mohrenschildt was also had been in contact with Japanese networks at this time. In June 1941, de Mohrenschildt was questioned by the police in Port Arthur, Texas, on suspicion of espionage because he discovered sketches of port facilities. During 1941, de Mohrenschildt applied for a position in the US Office of strategic Services (OSS). According to the official account, he was not hired. Shortly after that he made the request, he went to Mexico, where he remained until 1944. In this last year, he established his name as Mohrenschildt, dropping of the German version of von Mohrenschildt and began studies for a master’s degree in petroleum engineering at the University of Texas. According to some accounts, in the course of this period of Mohrenschildt was studied by the Office of Naval Intelligence because of alleged Communist sympathies. After the war, de Mohrenschildt has worked as a petroleum engineer in Cuba and the Venezuela, and Caracas, he had several interviews with the Soviet Ambassador. During the post-war years, he also worked in the Rangely oil field in Colorado. During the 1950s, after having married Winifred Sharpless, the daughter of an oil millionaire, de Mohrenschildt was active as an independent oil entrepreneur.
In 1957, de Mohrenschildt was approved by the Office of the CIA’s security to be hired as a geologist from the U.S. Government for a mission to Yugoslavia. Upon his return, he was interrogated by a judge Walter Moore of the Service household Contact of the CIA, with whom he remained in contact. In 1958, of Morhenschildt has visited Ghana, Togo, Dahomey; in 1959 he revisited Africa and returned through Poland. In 1959, he married Jeanne, his fourth wife, a former dancer and the dress designer who was born in Manchuria, where his father had been one of the directors of the Chinese Eastern railway. In summer 1960, Georges and Jeanne de Mohrenschildt told their friends that they would embark on a hike of 11 000 miles along Indian trails to Mexico to Central America. One of their destinations was Guatemala City, where they resided at the time of the invasion of the Bay of pigs in April 1961, after which they have made their way back in Haiti and Panama. After two months in Haiti, the Mohrenschildts returned to Dallas, where they came in contact with Oswald, who was returning to the United States from his stay in the Soviet Union in June 1962. At this time of Mohrenschildt was also attending Admiral Henry C. Bruton and his wife, to whom he presented the Oswald. Admiral Bruton was the former Director of naval communications and had led an extensive modernization and reorganization of means of the Navy to remain in contact with the ships, airplanes, missiles, submarines and other.
It is established that between October 1962 and end April, 1963, de Mohrenschildt was a very important figure in the life of Oswald and his Russian wife. Despite the lack of social graces Oswald, de Mohrenschildt him introduced in the company of Dallas, taken to the parties, helped him find work and much more. It is through Mohrenschildt Oswald met a certain Volkmar Schmidt, a young German geologist who had studied with Professor Wilhelm Kuetemeyer, an expert in Psychosomatic Medicine and religious philosophy at the University of Heidelberg, who compiled a psychological profile detailed Oswald. Jeanne and George helped Marina move possessions during one of its numerous breakages of Oswald. According to some accounts, influence of Mohrenschildt on Oswald was so great at that time that he could virtually dictate important decisions for the young ex-marine simply by making suggestions. Oswald was in awe to de Mohrenschildt, according to some.
According to some versions, de Mohrenschildt knew alleged April 10, 1963 attempt to Oswald to assassinate the famous right general Edwin Walker. According to Marina, de Mohrenschildt asked Oswald, « Lee, how you missed general Walker? » On 19 April, George and Jeanne de Mohrenschildt went in New York, and on 29 April, the CIA’s Security Office has found that it had no objection to the acceptance of Mohrenschildt of a contract with the Duvalier of Haiti regime in the field of the development of natural resources. De Mohrenschildt seems to have departed for Haiti on May 1, 1963. In the meantime, Oswald had left Dallas and went to New Orleans.
According to Mark Lane, « nothing that de Mohrenschildt is a control CIA officer who directs the operations of Oswald. » A large part of the extensive published literature on de Mohrenschildt converge on the idea that it was a babysitter, Manager, agent or an agent of control for Oswald on behalf of one Intelligence Agency. Pedigree of 17 of Mohrenschildt evokes haunting parallel to the typical figures of the networks PERMINDEX of Georges Mandel, Ferenc Nagy, Max Hagerman, Max Seligman, Carlo D’amelio, Lewis Mortimer Bloomfield and Clay Shaw, to which the attention of the public was called during the investigation of the district attorney of New Orleans James Garrison.
So it’s very interesting name that George Bush appeared in the personal address book of George de Mohrenschildt. The Warren Commission a poorly absurd to disguise the fact that George de Mohrenschildt was a resident of the world’s intelligence agencies. This included ignoring the well-developed paper trial on Mohrenschildt as Nazi sympathizer and Communist and later as an asset of Americans abroad. The Warren Commission concluded:
The Commission’s investigation has developed no evidence of subversive or unfair conduct either of the Mohrenschildts of. The FBI, CIA, or witnesses contacted by the Commission has provided any information linking the Mohrenschildts to subversive or extremist organizations. Nor is there evidence linking them with the assassination of President Kennedy in any way. 18
The day of the Kennedy assassination, FBI records show George Bush as the declaration of a member of the young Republicans Houston right for making threatening comments about President Kennedy. According to FBI documents released under the Freedom of Information Act,
On 22 November 1963 President GEORGE H.W. BUSH, 5525 Briar, Houston, Texas, informed by telephone that he wanted to make the link between what some intend to say that he had heard in recent weeks, the date and source unknown. He noted that a single JAMES PARROTT had talked of killing the President when he comes to Houston.
PARROTT is possibly a student at the University of Houston and is active in the political life in the Houston area.
According to associated documentation of the FBI, « a verification with the secret service in Houston, Texas revealed that the Agency had a report that in 1961, PARROTT said he would kill President Kennedy, if he got close to him. » Here, Bush is described as « a businessman deemed ». FBI agents were sent to interrogate Parrott mother and later James Milton Parrott himself. Parrott had been discharged from the U.S. Air Force for psychiatric reasons in 1959. Parrott had an alibi for the time of the shooting of Dallas; He had been in the company of another Republican activist. According to the press accounts, Philippe was a member of the faction of right of the GOP in Houston that was oriented towards the John Birch Society, and opposed to the Bush Presidency. 19. pursuant to the San Francisco Examiner, press Bush in August 1988 office first said that Bush had not made such an appeal and challenged the authenticity of the documents from the FBI. Several days the Bush spokesman later said that the candidate « doesn’t remember » make the call.
A day later after it reported Parrott at the FBI, Bush received a briefing very sensitive and high level of the Office:
Date: November 29, 1963
Bureau of Intelligence and Research
Department of State
From: John Edgar Hoover, Director
Subject: Assassination of president JOHN Fitzgerald KENNEDY on November 22, 1963
Our Miami, Florida, Office on 23 November 1963 indicated that the Office of the Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in Miami advised that the State Department feels some wrong anti-Castro group could take advantage of the current situation and initiate a raid not allowed against Cuba, considering that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy could announce a change in American politics which is not true.
Our sources and informants familiar with the Cuban in the Miami area issues advise that the anti-Castro general in the Cuban community feeling is one of stunned disbelief and, even among those who do not fully with the policy of President concerning Cuba, the feeling is that the death of the President is a great loss not only to the United States but for all Latin America. These sources don’t know plans of action not permitted against Cuba.
An informer who has provided reliable information in the past and which is close to a small pro-Castro group in Miami said that these people are afraid that the assassination of the President can lead to strong measures of crackdowns against them and, although the pro-Castro, their feelings, regrets the assassination.
The substance of the above information was orally provided to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and the Captain William Edwards, the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W.T. Forsyth of that Office.
William T. Forsyth, since deceased, was an official of the headquarters of the FBI in Washington; at the time it was attached to the subversive control section of the Office, he led the investigation of the Rev. Martin Luther King. He was also part of harassment by the FBI of Dr. King? The efforts of journalists to locate Captain Edwards have failed.
This document of the FBI identifying George Bush as an agent of the CIA in November 1963 was published by Joseph McBride in The Nation , in July 1988, just before Bush received the Republican nomination for the Presidency. McBride source observed: « I know [Bush] has been involved in the Caribbean. » I know what it
has participated in the Suppression of things after the assassination of Kennedy. There’s a definite concern that some Cuban groups would move against Castro and attempt to blame on the CIA. » 20 pressed for confirmation or refutation, spokesman for Bush Stephen Hart said: « must be an another George Bush. « Within a short time the CIA itself would peddle the same line of damage control. On 19 July 1988, as a result of the general public on the report published in The Nation, spokesman of the CIA Sharron Basso left the usual policy of the CIA refused to confirm or deny reports that any person is or was an employee of the CIA. The Basso CIA spokesman told the Associated press that the CIA believed that « the record should be clarified. She said that the FBI document « apparently » designates a George William Bush, who had worked in 1963 on the night shift at the CIA headquarters, and which « would have been the appropriate place to have received a report from the FBI also. According to his story, George William Bush in question had left the CIA to join the Defense Intelligence Agency in 1964.
For the CIA to volunteer the name of one of its former employees of the press was a shocking violation of traditional methods, which are supposed to be designed to keep these names a closely guarded secret. This revelation could constitute a violation of federal law. But no efforts were too great when it came to limit the damage to George Bush.
George William Bush had indeed worked for the CIA and the DIA the Department of Alexandria, Virginia’s public assistance, before joining the Administration of social security, whose Office in Arlington, VA., he was employed as a representative in 1988. George William Bush says The Nation who, while at the CIA, he was « just a humble researcher and analyst » who have worked with documents and photographs and never received interagency briefings. He had never met Forsyth of the FBI or Captain Edwards of the DIA. « So it wasn’t me, » said George William Bush. 21
Later, George William Bush has formalized its refusal in a sworn statement before a federal court in Washington, DC. The affidavit recognizes that while working at the headquarters of the CIA between September 1963 and February 1964, George William Bush was the junior person on a change of watch of man three or four who was on duty when Kennedy was shot. But, as George William Bush goes on to say,
I have carefully reviewed the memorandum from the FBI to the Director, Bureau of intelligence and research, Department of State dated dated November 29, 1963, which refers to a Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency… I do not recognize the contents of the memorandum as information provided me orally or otherwise at the time I was at the CIA. Indeed, during my time at the CIA. I have not received any communication oral of any government agency of any kind whatsoever. I have not received any information relating to the Kennedy assassination during my stay at the CIA, FBI.
From the foregoing, it is my conclusion that I am not Mr George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency, mentioned in the memorandum. 22
So we end up with the strong suspicion that Mr. George Bush of the CIA »evoked by the FBI is our own George Herbert Walker Bush, who, in addition to its possible contact with Oswald controller, could also join the ranks of the concealment of Kennedy’s assassination. It is perfectly logical for George Bush to call in on a case involving the Cuban community of Miami, since it is a place where George has traditionally had a constituency. George has inherited from his father, Prescott Bush of Jupiter Island and later, it passed to his own son, Jeb.
1- Joseph McBride, « » George Bush, »CIA Operative », the Nation, July 16, 1988.
2- Georgia Anne Geyer, guerrilla Prince (Boston: Little, Brown 1991).
3.- Felix Rogriquez, Shadow Warrior (New York: Simon and Shuster, 1989).
4.- On Pluto, cf. German by Guenter Schumacher, operation Pluto (Berlin, Deutscher Militaerverlag, 1964).
5.- E. Howard Hunt, give us today (New Rochelle: Arlington House, 1973), p. 214.
6.- Secret agenda.
7.- Operation Zapata, see Michael R. Beschloss, the crisis years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960-63 (New York: Edward Burlingame Books, 1991), p. 89.
8.- For the names of the ships at the Bay of pigs, see Quintin Pino Machado, La Batalla de Girón (La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1983), pp. 79-80. This source cites a vessel such as the Barbara J. » See also Schumacher, Opération Pluto, pp. 98-99. See also Peter Wyden, the Bay of pigs, the Untold Story (New York: Simon and Shuster, 1979), which also has the Barbara J. Quintin Pino macahdo, Houston had been given the new name Aguja (swordfish) and Barbara to Barracuda , for the purpose of this operation.
9- Howard Hunt, give us today, pp. 13-14.
10.- Theodore Sorenson, Kennedy (New York: Bantam, 1966), p. 329.
11.- Sorenson, Kennedy, p. 723.
12- Arthur M. Schlesinger, thousand days (Boston, 1965), p. 339.
13.- See Warren Hinckle and William W. Turner, the fish is red (New York: Harper and Row, 1981), pp. 112 ff.
14.- Report to the President of the Commission on the activities of the CIA in the territory of the United States (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1975), pp. 251-267.
15.- Jim Marrs, « Widow disputed the suicide, » Evening Star-Telegram of Fort Worth, May 11, 1978
16.- A photocopy of the personal address book of George de Mohrenschildt is preserved at the assassination Archives and Research Center, Washington, DC. The entrance to Bush is also cited in Mark Lane, Plausible denial (New York: Mouth Thunder Press, 1991), p. 332.
17.- To de Mohrenschildt, see Mark Lane, Plausible denial, Epstein, Legend: the Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald (London: Hutchinson, 1978); C. Robert Blakey and Richard N. Billings, the conspiracy to kill the President (New York: Times Books, 1981); and Robert Sam Anson, « they killed the President! » « . (New York: Bantam, 1975).
18.- Report of the Warren Commission on the assassination of President Kennedy (New York: Bantam, 1964), p. 262.
19.- Miguel Acoca, « FBI: »Bush »called for the assassination of JFK, » San Francisco Examiner, August 25, 1988.
20.- Joseph McBride, « » George Bush, »CIA Operative », the Nation, July 16/23, 1988, p. 42
21- Joseph McBride, « where was George? », the Nation, August 13/20, 1988, p. 117.
22.- United States District Court for the District of Columbia, Civil Action 88-2600 GHR, Archives and research centre c. The Central Intelligence Agency, Affidavit of George William Bush, September 21, 1988.
Surviving the Cataclysm
George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin
Chapter IX- Bush Yarborough of challenges for the Senate
Unsuccessful attempt of Bush in 1964 to dethrone Texas Democratic Senator Ralph Yarborough is a matter of fundamental interest to anyone seeking to detect the sources of real political thought of Bush. In a society that knows nothing of its recent history, the events of a quarter of century ago could be classified as remote and irrelevant. But while we examine the profile of Bush 1964 Senate campaign, that we see come alive is the characteristic mentality that governs the Oval Office today. The main features are all there: the dominant obsession with the issue of race, illustrated in the bitter rejection of Bush’s civil rights bill to Congress in months; swagger genocidal in foreign affairs, with proposals for nuclear bombardment of Viet Nam, an invasion of Cuba and the rejection of negotiations for the return of the Canal; the autonomous reflex for anti-Union expressed in the rhetoric of the « right to work »; the anthem at the free enterprise at the expense of farmers and the disadvantaged, with all this packed in a slick television and advertising effort and demagogic.
During this Senate race, Bush assumed the colouring of a Goldwater Republican. It is very significant that Bush started his public political career under the ideological features of a Republican from the South, specifically in Texas. The Republican party in Texas had been in eclipse since the Reconstruction era, with the State GOPers complain that they lived in a one-party State. During the 1950s, the personal popularity of Eisenhower and the growing visibility of the ultra-left investment bankers of Wall Street in the circle of donors of Adlai Stevenson began offering openings Texas Republicans. In 1952 and 1956, Texas Democratic Governor Allan Shivers supported Eisenhower, who proceeded to Texas with a wide majority both times. In 1960, Texas had given his voice to Kennedy, although the Democratic victory margin was so slim that it constitutes a source of embarrassment for Kennedy running-mate, Senator of Texas and leader of the Democratic majority, Lyndon B. Johnson. But Nixon had proceeded to the city of Houston and Harris County, which proved be the largest city to go for the Nixon-Lodge ticket this year. In 1960, Republican of Texas scored their greatest success in a century by Tower of John elected to the U.S. Senate on a platform that was a harbinger of the Goldwater movement. Tower once asked if there was a single internal legislative program of Kennedy that he could support, and his response was that he could not one. This is the same tower which join with Edmund Muskie and Brent Scowcroft at the beginning of 1987 to concoct absurd whitewash of the Iran-contra affair that would exonerate Bush and attribute the central responsibility of the White House staff Don Regan, forcing his ouster. It was the same Tower whose appointment by Bush to the post of Secretary to the defence would be derailed by accusation of alcoholism and runner womanizer, followed by death in a mysterious plane of the Tower in early 1991 crash.
The Democratic Party in Texas has been divided in two wings who have fought among themselves in the Democratic primaries, which were often tantmount to the election at the time. One of these wings was called liberal and has been identified primarily with the Bush opponent, Senator Ralph Yarborough. The « liberal » here is largely inappropriate. more accurate would be populist, but populist ennobled by the revival of the classic 19th century an American system which took place in Texas during the mobilization of Roosevelt World War II, when the strategies of recovery drawn dirigist Texas economy out of stagnation that has its roots in the failure of the leaders of the post-1865. The costumes of these Democrat populist strong were education and infrastructure – a good first approximation of the actual activity of the Government.
The other side is called conservative and have been grouped around figures as Allan Shivers and protected LBJ John Connally, which Bush has had a history of alternating periods of conflict and moments of reconciliation. LBJ himself was close to the Group of shivering-Connally. The typical figure here is Connally, the Governor, who was injured on Dealey Plaza in Dallas the day Kennedy was killed, and that came later to join the Nixon Administration as the Secretary of the Treasury who approved the abolition of the gold standard reserve Bretton Woods post-1944 at Camp David on August 15, 1971. Connally later plays the logic to become not only a Republican, but indeed a Republican candidate to the presidential elections and clashes with George Bush, one or two times in the snows of New Hampshire in 1979-1980.
The Democratic Party in Texas also contained a table of figures of national importance including positive traits are part of what was lost in the descent in the current crisis: call the populists, call the new post Deal or the Fair Deal post, but do not confuse the fact that they were better for the country than their successors. It’s politicians like the legendary speaker of the House, Sam Rayburn, Member of Congressman Wright Patman of the Banking Committee House, which is a source of continuing irritation populist at the Bank of New York community, Tom Clark, who was Attorney general under Truman and later continued the Court supreme American and whose son Ramsay Clark, was distinguished by its denunciation of the Bush regime war crimes in the 1991 Gulf war. A later generation of this circle was represented by the former speaker of the House Jim Wright, who was harassed office during the first year of the Presidency of George Bush, and member of Congress Henry Gonzalez. Gonzalez stands out as one of very few old populist Democrat Texas left in office elected today. Gonzalez has developed new gloss on the long tradition of Maverick by proposing a bill of indictment for Ronald Reagan after Iran-contra 1986 revelations, most recently by submitting a bill for the impeachment of George Bush for his illegal operation desert shield and raising his voice as the first in the Congress for the cause of humanity against genocide with a call to the lifting of economic sanctions against the Iraq to prevent the needless slaughter of hundreds of thousands of children after end of the bombing campaign. And even today there are still others of this tradition remains in a position to influence key: for example, Member of Congress Jack Brooks of the ninth district of Texas President dirty the House Judiciary Committee, who has dared to do assign the Attorney general Richard Thornburgh to appear before his Committee with a ducis produce documents of the Ministry of Justice of the theft of computer software in the case of Inslaw.
One of the ongoing projects of the life of George Bush has been the disappearance of precisely this populist and sometimes dirigist group Democrats and their replacement by Republican ideologues ‘free enterprise’, or democratic financier of the variety of Lloyd Bentsen.
Texas and Oklahoma populist Democrats must be differentiated from their former colleagues South of the Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi. But the establishment is liberal, it has proved easier to putting everything under the image purveyed by the President of the Commission of the racist South Congress, bourbon-swilling conspiring to cigar-clouded rooms to defy the popular will expressed by television networks. All old-school southern Democrats tend to have crippling weaknesses regarding the race and on the question of anti-Union. But on the other side of the ledger, many Democrats in the South had an excellent understanding of the infrastructure in the broadest sense: internal improvements such as roads, canals, water projects, rural electrification, accessible public education of quality, health services, production of electrical energy.
Republicans of the South emerging from the fifties and sixties, however, were generally as bad or worse than Democrats on race relations and labour and were in even these fanatics of mystification of ‘free market’ of Adam Smith that any commitment of the Government to maintain the infrastructure, health care and education went by the boards. The positive point only left for some of these new Republicans from the South, such that those which are Barry Goldwater in 1964, was a patriotic rejection of the machinations of the liberal Establishment Eastern as embodied most graphically in the figure of the Governor of New York Nelson Rockefeller. Bush was indeed a Goldwater man at this time, as we shall see. But given that Bush was himself an organ of this same liberal establishment is hated, he stood totally devoid of the redemption of grace.
The company in which we are now committed to Bush, the creation of a Republican party in the States of the South in the 1960s, (including the so-called post-1961 ‘Texas two-party’) turned out to be a historic disaster. To create a Republican party in the South, should first break the old coalition constitutive FDR New Deal of labour, cities, black farmers and to the South of the massif. As Bush complained in his campaign autobiography:
« The State has been solidly democratic, and the allegiance of the Texans for the party of our fathers has become even stronger during the lean depression years. The line of the Democratic campaign in the 1930s, it was that the « Hoover » Republicans were responsible for unemployment foreclosures and closed; Roosevelt and the Democratic Party were meant to be only friends people had. « [note 1]
But according to George Bush was concerned, all this is of no consequence: from a philosophical point of view, I was a Republican… « . « [fn 2] after Bush had declared his candidacy for the seat of Yarborough, veteran political writers to the capital of the State to Austin shook his head: Bush had »two cross to bear – running as a Republican and not a native Texan. « [fn 3]
The method that the southern Republicans invented to violate this solid front has been the years a theory later by Lee Atwater, the Director of the Bush 1988 presidential campaign. It was the technique of « wedge issues », what we called precisely because they have chosen to separate the old New Deal coalition using the scissors of ideology. Wedge issues are also known as « burning social issues », and the most explosive between them has always tended to be the race. The Republicans could win in the South by portraying the Democratic Party a Pro-noir. Atwater had learned to be a cunning practitioner and vicious of the method « wedge issue » in the school of Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, after the latter had opted for the Republicans in the 1960s. Racial insults, anti-Union populism, chauvinism Chauvin, the smearing of opponents of their allegiance alleged ‘special interests’ – none of this began in the Baker-Atwater’s 1968 effort. It was the strategy of the South trade Fund and it was 1964 all leitmotifs of Bush’s effort against Yarborough.
From the point of view of the police state of the beginning of the 1990s conditions, we can discern a further involvement of Southern Republican project whose Bush was within moments of the 1960s a leading cooperative. As the southern GOP was born of the Nixon-Reagan liberal play gang and the gang between McGovernite and right investment bankers left liberal investment bankers (and Bush was both), he made possible the southern strategy that elected Nixon in 1968 and which gave the Republicans a virtual lock on the electoral College since then. Watergate-Carter’s 1976 anomaly confirms rather than changes this overall picture.
The strategy of the South that Bush turns were used in the 1960s was not called to the attention of the public until a little after the 1964 election in which Goldwater had received electoral votes exclusively in the South. As William Rusher wrote in the national review: « Democrats for years started each race with a lot assured delegates of the South. » « The strategy of Republican party, » argued Rusher, a need to reconceptualize, given a chance to break into this block once denied them… » His conclusion was that « » Republicans can put themselves in the position of having the South block as a handicap of starting; « . After that, they can compete for the rest of the country, who need only 50 percent less (for example) 111 [of the votes of the electoral College]. « Do it all, Rusher argued, would allow the Republican presidential candidates to ignore ‘traditional centres of urban liberalism, » particularly in the Northeast. [fn 4] These ideas have been refined in brain trust of Richard Nixon, chaired by counsel for bond’s Wall Street John Mitchell at 445 Park Avenue and received their development final Kevin Phillips, who in those years, advanced the thesis that the « whole policy secret » is knowledge who hates that, which of course is another way to talk about wedge issues.
The result of the successful implementation of the strategy of the South in 1968 and the following years was a a period of more than two decades of Republican single-party control over the Executive, which George Bush personally was the first recipient, first through his multiple appointments, and then through the Vice-Presidency of the Republic and now through the possession of the White House itself. This was the decisive structural consequence of making possible the kind of continuous, entrenched bureaucratic power that we see in the regime of Bush and its leading officials. As we shall see, these administrators of the State corporate as James Baker and Brent Scowcroft, for whom the exercise of executive power has long become a way of life, seem themsleves and others such as immune to the popular judgment. Democratic Republic requires the moment of catharsis, throw the bums, if the arrogance of the powerful is never to be punished. If there is no prospect for the White House change of hand, this is equivalent to a one-party State. The Republican Party of the South, including the two parties in Texas, gave the Republican lock on the White House, which has proved a powerful stimulus these trends to authoritarian, even totalitarian rule that culminated with Administrative fascism of the current regime of Bush.
Opponents of Bush in this year’s Goldwater of 1964 was Senator Ralph Webster Yarborough. Yarborough was born in Chandler, Texas in 1903 as the seventh of eleven children. He attended the public schools of Chandler and Tyler, worked on a farm and has continued to participate at the Sam Houston State Teachers College and, for a year, the Military Academy of West Point. He was a member of the 36th division of the National Guard of Texas, where he has advanced from private to Sergeant. After the first world war, he worked a passage to Europe on board a cargo ship and found a job in Germany working in the offices of the American Chamber of Commerce in Berlin. He also pursued studies in Stendhal, Germany. He returned to the United States to obtain a law degree at the University of Texas in 1927 and worked as a lawyer in El Paso. At one point, he found a job as a harvest hand in the Oklahoma dust bowl at the end of the 1920s and also served a stint as a thug in the oil fields. Yarborough between public service as a public prosecutor Deputy of Texas from 1931 to 1934. After that, he was Director founder of the lower authority of the Colorado River, a major project of the water in the center of Texas and was then elected as a district judge in Austin.
Yarborough served in the land forces of the U.S. Army during World War II and was a member of the only division which participated in the occupation of post-war Germany as well as in the administration of MacArthur’s Japan. When he left the army in 1946, he had reached the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. It is clearly of an overview of the career of Yarborough as his victories and defeats were mainly his own, for him, there was no Masonic Prescott Bush to guarantee lines of credit or to obtain important posts by calls to the bigwigs in networks.
Yarborough had challenged Allan Shivers in the 1952 Governor contest and was down to defeat. Successive bids for the state house in Austin of Yarborough were turned back in 1954 and 1956. Then, when the Senator (and former Governor) price Daniel resigned his seat, Yarborough finally claimed victory in a special election. He was then re-elected to the Senate for a full term in 1958.
Yarborough was distinguished first for his vote on civil rights record. A few months after he entered the Senate, he was one of only five senators from the South (including LBJ) to vote for the basin side of the Civil Rights Act of 1957. In 1960, Yarborough was one of four Senators-new South including LBJ – who voted for the Civil Rights Act of 1960. Yarborough would be lonely Senator for eleven States formerly composing the Confederate States of America to vote for the civil rights bill of 1964, the most radical since Reconstruction. It is the Planning Bill, as we shall see, Bush with ammunition for one of the main themes of his 1964 election attacks. Later, Yarborough would be one of only three Senators from the South supporting the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and one of the four supporting the Bill to open the case of 1968. [fn 5]
After Yarborough left the Senate, his enemies at the Dallas Morning News felt obliged to admit that « his name is probably attached to legislation more than than any other Senator in the history of Texas. Yarborough became the Chairman of the Senate Committee on labor and social protection. This is his lodestar infrastructure, infrastructure in the form of education and infrastructure in the form of physical improvements.
Education, Yarborough was the author or a first supporter of virtually every legislative act important force of law between 1958 and 1971, including some nine Bills major. As Senator freshman, Yarborough was co-author of the National Defense Education Act of 1958, which served as a base using the federal Government for education, especially higher education.
Under the provisions of NDEA, a quarter of 1 million students were at one point, allowed to continue the formation of first cycle with low-cost loans and other benefits. For graduate students, there were scholarships for three years that a pay tuition and fees costs more subsidies for living expenses for an amount of $2200, $2400 and $2600 three years – a sum widely at the time. Invoices Yarborough also sponsored for medical education, college classroom construction, vocational education, aid for the mentally disabled and the library facilities. Bill of Yarborough, bilingual education has provided a special federal funding for schools with large numbers of non-English language students. Some of these points have been described by Yarborough during a speech on September 18, 1964 campaign with the title « higher education. » as it relates to our national purpose
Chairman of the Subcommittee on Veterans Affairs, Yarborough author of the cold war GI Bill of Rights, which sought to extend the benefits of Veterans of World War II and the Korea, and which should apply to the military personnel on duty between January 1955 and July 1, 1965. For these veterans Yarborough proposed aid, school and vocational training exchanges and assistance ready to allow veterans to buy homes and farms at a maximum rate of interest of 5.25% per year. This Bill was finally adopted after years of slogging through Yarborough against the opposition of presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson. Yarborough helped get a five year extension of the Hill-Burton, which provides 4 000 extra beds in Veterans Administration hospitals. Physical improvements, sustained Yarborough of appropriations for coastal navigation. He fought for $29 million for the Administration of rural electrification counties in the Corpus Christi area alone. In eleven counties in this part of Texas, Yarborough had helped obtain federal grants for $4.5 million and loans of $.64 million under the Kennedy Administration accelerated public works, projects program to provide drinking water and sewers for cities that could not otherwise afford it. Regarding its commitment to this type of infrastructure, Yarborough commented for a dinner in Corpus Christi: « projects, as well as research programs the ship canals, dams and reservoirs, water, hurricanes and flooding control programs that bring delegations of city officials, members of the County Court, river authorities and watersheds » , delegations of co-op, in my office literally by the thousands each year to aid which is always given, never refused. « Yarborough continued: »while our efforts and achievements are largely discrete… There is satisfaction beyond acclaim when a small town without a water system is enabled to provide its inhabitants for the first time with the water and sewerage… when the course of a river is supported just to save crops from the farmer, when a highway opens new avenues of commerce ». [fn 6] In the field of oil, still vital policy in Texas, Yarborough strained to give the industry everything that it could reasonably expect and more. Despite this, he was implacably hated many business. In short, Ralph Yarborough had a genuine commitment to racial and economic justice, and has been, overall, among the best that post-nouveau Democratic Party Deal had to offer. Certainly there were weaknesses: the key should turn in the direction of ecology. Here Yarborough was the main author behind the endangered species Act.
Bush moved to Houston in 1959, bringing with him the headquarters of Zapata Offshore Corporation. Houston has been by far the largest city in Texas, a centre of corporate bureaucracies of companies doing business in the oil fields. There was also the law firm of Baker and Botts, who would work in force as part of the Bush family network, given that Baker and Botts were lawyers who had been handling Affairs the Harriman railroad interests in the Southwest. A prominent Houston lawyer at the time was James Baker III, a descendant of the family registered in the name of Baker and Botts, but itself a partner in another closed due the anti‑nepotism rule preventing the children of Baker and Botts partners to join the cabinet themselves. Bush would soon hob-evisceration with Baker and other representatives of the oligarchy Houston, Hobby and Cullen families at the Petroleum Club and garden parties in the hot, humid, subtropical summers. George, Barbara, and their children moved into a new home on Briar road.
Road less than an hour to drive to the South of Houston located in Galveston, a port on the Gulf of the Mexico. Houston itself is connected to the Gulf by a ship channel that allowed the city to become a major port in its own right. Beyond Galveston, there’s the Gulf and beyond of the Gulf, the Greater Antilles with Cuba in the middle of the archipelago and beyond Cuba Guatemala, Nicaragua, Granada, target of obstructionists, old and new.
Shortly after, Bush became active in the Harris County Republican, party which was becoming one of the highlights of the GOP in the apparatus of State and then being assembled by Peter O’Donnell, President of the Republican State and his business partner Thad Hutcheson. Now, George Bush was a millionaire in his own right, and in light of its impeccable Wall Street relations, it was not surprising to find the Commission to finance Harris County GOP, a function which he had undertaken to Midland tickets Nixon Eisenhower in 1952 and 1956. He was also a member of the candidates Committee.
In 1962, Democrats are preparing to propose the candidature for the post of Governor John Connally, and GOP Texas under O’Donnell was able to mount a more formidable than previously bid for the state house in Austin. The Republican candidate was Jack Cox, an activist of the party with a profile of the right wing. Bush has agreed to serve as co-Chair of the Harris County of the Jack Cox for Governor Finance Committee. The 1962 gubernatorial election, Cox received 710 000 votes, a surprisingly large result. Connally won the post of Governor, and it is in this procession of ability that he was present in the Kennedy in Dallas on November 22, 1963.
Over the years, a significant influence has been exercised in the Texas GOP by the John Birch Society, who had grown up in the 1950s through the direction and financing of Robert Welch. Water for the Birch mill was abundantly provided by the liberal republicanism of the Eisenhower administration, with counted Prescott Bush, Nelson Rockefeller, Gordon Gray and Robert Keith Gray among its infleuntial figures more. In reaction against this liberalism of Wall Street, the muesli offered an ideology of powerless from negative protest of the self-righteous chauvinism in Foreign Affairs and the mystifications of the free market at home. But they were highly suspicious of the financial cliques of lower Manhattan, and to this extent, they have had number of George Bush.
Bush always complains about the indignities suffered at the hands of these muesli, with whom he has been straining to have as much as possible in common. But he met with repeated frustration, because his pedigree is liberal establishment was still there. In his campaign autobiography, Bush laments that many Texans think Redbook Magazine, published by his father-in-law Marvin Pierce of the McCall Corporation, was an official publication of the Communist Party.
Bush tells a campaign trip with his assistant Roy Goodearle handle of Panhandle of Texas, during which he was working a crowd in one of its typical dishes free, beer free « political barbecues. » Bush gave one of his palm cards to a man who acknowledged that he had heard from Bush, but quickly added that he could never support him. Bush thought that it was because he ran as a Republican. « But, » [Bush] and then realized, « my being a Republican was not the thing bothers the guy. » It was something worse than that. » Contact for Bush was upset by the fact that Zapata Offshore had Eastern investors. When Bush moaned that all oil companies had investors of, such was the nature of the business, his executioner has pointed out that one of the contributors to the senior Bush, a prominent Houston lawyer, campaign was not just a « sonofabitch », but also a member of the New York Council on foreign policy.
Bush explains, with the groaning in his larynx Overdrive: « the lesson was that in the minds of some voters, the Council on Foreign Relations has been nothing more than a tool of One World conspiracy Communist-Wall Street internationalist, and to make things worse, Houston lawyer had also worked for President Eisenhower – a known tool of the Communists, in the eyes of some members of the John Birch. » Further elucidation is then added in a note: « a decade and a half later, running for President, I stumbled upon some of the same political types on the campaign trail. » In the meantime, they had put on the day an international plot even more sinister than the Council on Foreign Relations – the Trilateral Commission, a group that President Reagan received at the White House in 1981. « Which included the exposure of members of Bush, not only in the trilateral cooperation of David Rockefeller, but also in the Skull and Bones, which Bush still refuses to submit observations. When Ronald Reagan and other candidates have taken up this issue, Bush ended up losing the New Hampshire primary and with it his best hope of capturing the Presidency in 1980. Bush, in short, became aware since the beginning of the sixties that serious attention to his oligarchic pedigree leads him to lose the elections. His response was to seek to declare these very relevant issues off limits and twisted and clandestine operations against those who persist in what in fact a problem. [fn 7]
Part of the influence of the society of birch at that time was due to support and funding offered by the dynasty of Hunt of Dallas. In particular, the fabulously wealthy oil tanker H.L. Hunt, one of the richest men in the world, has been a passionate proponent of propaganda of right which he released under the name of lifeline. At least once, Hunt called Bush in Dallas for a meeting during one of the Texas political campaigns his. « There is something, I want to give you », Hunt told Bush. Bush appeared with remarkable alacrity, and Hunt him engaged in a long conversation about many things, but mentioned neither political nor money. Finally, as Bush was about to leave, Hunt handed him a thick brown envelope. With impatience, Bush opened the envelope by believing firmly that it would contain a large sum in cash. What he found instead was a thick wad of literature of the lifeline for its ideological reform. [fn 8]
It is in this context that George Bush, poor oil, fortified by his Wall Street connections and Skull and Bones, but almost without qualification visible and hardly known outside of Odessa Texas, Midland and Houston, decided that he had attained Senatorial caliber. In the Roman Empire, membership in the Senate was an inherited attribute of grade patrician family. Prescott Bush had left the Senate in early January 1963. Before the end of the year, George Bush would make his request. As Senator Yarborough later commented, things would turn as an act of termerity.
In the spring of 1963 Bush began to assemble an institutional base for his campaign. The chosen vehicle would be the Republican presidency of Harris County, the surroundings of Houston, a bulwark of the GOP in Texas. Bush had participated in the Organization of the Harris County since 1960.
One Sunday morning, Bush invited some County Republican activists at his home on Briar drive. Roy Goodearle, an independent oil young man who until Barbara Bush appropriated, was given the nickname of ‘the’ Silver Fox in the Washington scene, were present. Jack Steel, Tom and Nancy Thawley, and a few others were also present.
Goodearle, probably acting as the lawyer who represents the Bush faction, spoke on the dangers posed by the followers of the John Birch Society to the prospects for the GOP in Houston and elsewhere. Lunch prepared by Barbara Bush, Goodearle put forward the tactical situation in the Organization of Harris County: a faction of Birchite under the direction of the State Senator Walter Mengdon, although still a minority, appeared as a powerful opposition against the Liberals and moderates inside-parties. In the last vote for the County’s GOP leader, the candidate of Birch was closely defeated. Now, after three years in office, the President of the more moderate County, James A. Bertron, announce February 8, 1963 that he could no longer serve as Chairman of the Republican Executive Committee of Harris County. His resignation, he would declare, was « justified by the negligence of my personal affairs because of my political activities ». [fn 9] It was probably very practical in the light of what Bush had planned.
Bertron left to move to Florida. In 1961, had participated in a fundraiser Republican gathering in Washington DC, where he was approached by none other than Senator Prescott Bush Bertron. Bush took Bertron side and asked: ‘ Jimmy, when are you going to participate George? » « Senator, I’m trying, » Bese responded, obviously with a vexation. « We all try. » [fn 10] In 1961, or at any other time, it is doubtful that George Bush could went to the bathroom without the help of an informant paid by Senator Prescott Bush.
Goodearle has to say the Republicans assembled as a « good candidate » unless entered in the race, a Bircher was likely to win the post of President of the County. But to defeat the muesli well organized and zealous, said Goodearle, an anti-Bircher should undertake a grueling campaign, the County’s tourism and make speeches to the Republican faithful every night for several weeks. Then, under the instigation of Goodearle, the Group turned to Bush: could it be taken to put his hat in the ring? Bush, by his own admission, do no time to reflect and accepted on the spot.
With this, George and Barbara were on the road in their first campaign in what Bush later called « further learning. » While Barbara busied with Tapestry needle to stay awake through a speech that she had heard repeatedly, George concoct a plot on the virtues of the two-party system and the advantages of having a Republican alternative to the entrenched Houston establishment. Indeed, its platform is the strategy of the South before the letter. Local observers soon noticed that Barbara Bush managed to win acceptance as a comrade of the campaign of Republican volunteers, in addition ot being considered as wife of the rich candidate.
When the vote for the President of the County came, the candidate opposing Bush, Russell Prior, withdrawn from the race for reasons that have not been properly explained, allowing Bush to be elected unanimously by the Executive Committee. Now, winning unopposed was taste of Bush in the elections: this is how it was returned to the House for his second term in 1968, and propagandists of Bush flirted with a similar approach to the presidential election of 1992.
At the time of his election, 38 year George was not exactly a household word, not even in Houston. In announcing his victory, the Houston Chronicle printed the image of a totally different person, captioned as « George Bush, » the man who wanted to « develop the part fine-tipped for the important prior to 1964 work » – i.e., for President Goldwater campaign. [fn 11] As President, Bush was free to appoint the officers of the County GOP. Some of these choices are not without relevance to the future development of world history. For the office of Councillor of the party, Bush nominated William B. Cassin, the law firm of Baker and Botts, Berger and Coates. For his Assistant County Chairmen, Bush tapped Anthony Farris, Gene Crossman, Roy Goodearle and Executive Director, William R. Simmons. Not to be overloooked is the choice of J.P. Anthony « Tony Tough » Farris. He had been a Marine gunner aboard dive bombers and bombers of torpedo during the war and had subsequently graduated from the Faculty of law of the University of Houston, subsequently put in place common law practice in the Sterling building in downtown Houston. The ‘P’ stood for Perez and Farris was a wheelhorse in the Mexican-American community with the « Amigos de Bush » in a number of campaigns. Farris was an unsuccessful candidate at the Congress, but was later rewarded by the Nixon administration with the position of counsel for the United States in Houston. Then Farris was elected to the office of Harris County in 1980. When George Bush former partner and constant crony, J. Hugh Liedtke of Pennzoil sued Texaco for damages in the case of the Getty Oil famous 1985, it was judge Tough Tony Farris who chaired most of the trial and made the main stops on the way to the granting of the largest damages in history, an incredible $11,120,976,110.83, all for the benefit of Bush’s friend j. Hugh Liedtke. [fn 12]
« March 21, Bush told the Houston Chronicle that the Harris County GOP is »conservative »and not » extremist: « »the Republican party in the past – and sometimes with the rationale – has been connected in the mind of the public with extremism, »said Bush. » We are not, or at least most of us is not the extremists. We are just responsible people. « Bush promised that his message would be the same throughout the County, and that it would be »say the same things in River Oaks as in the East End, or in Pasadena ».
At the moment even where threats against extremism, Bush was forced by his party apparatus to mount the drive Houston draft Goldwater this effort was aimed at obtaining the 100 000 signatures for Goldwater, with each signatory also plunking down a dollar to fill the GOP coffers. « A great way for those supporting the Goldwater-like me – to inform, » said President George. Bush has promoted a mood – arguably vindictive – partisan County GOP headquarters: reports the Houston Chronicle’s June 6, 1963 as GOP activists themselves were fun to launch darts at a balloon suspended before a picture of President Johnson. Bush told the Chronicle: « I saw the incident and did not hurt me. It was just a gag. »
But the efforts of pro-Goldwater to Bush were not universally appreciated. In early July Craig Peper, Chairman of the party Finance Committee, stood in a group of collection and attack the leaders of the movement project Goldwater, including Bush as ‘right-wing extremists. Bush had not been purging any muesli, but he was not prepared to allow such attacks to his left. Purged as a result Bush Peper, demanding his resignation after a pro-Goldwater meeting where Bush had boasted he was « 100% to draft Goldwater move. »
A few weeks after the ouster of Peper, Bush has contributed one of his first public political statements as an op ed in the Houston Chronicle of July 28, 1963. Regards he recent organizational problems, he moans that the Organization of the County has « achieved some dry-martini critics who speak and do not work. » Then, in accordance with its doctrine of family and her own dominant obsession, Bush turned to the issue of race. A conservative, he had to deplore the fact that the « Negroes » « think that conservatism means segregation ». Nothing could be farther from the truth. It was rather the result of slanderous propaganda which Republican public relations men had not sufficiently rebutted: « first of all, they are trying to introduce ourselves as racists. Harris County Republican party is not a racist party. We have not presented our history for blacks in the County. Our inability to attract the Negro voter has not been due to a racist philosophy; on the contrary, this has been a product of our not having the Organization to address all parts of the country. « What was then the GOP line on the issue of race? « We believe in the fundamental premise that the individual Negro shall provide the same dignity and freedom, is fighting for when he would accept money for his vote or when he goes with the precepts of voting block of some democratic boss who care the quality of the candidates, it grows. » So the GOP would try to separate the black voters from the Democrats and. Bush acknowledged: « We have a hard row to hoe here. »
After these statements on race, Bush then want on the Trade Union front. Labor of Yarborough backup was extremely loud, and Bush was not slow to attack the state AFL – CIO and its Committee on education policy (COPE) for preparing to help Yarborough in his race. For Bush, this meant that the AFL-CIO was not supporting the « two – party system. » « A steep slope is performed for membership [Union] to help elect dun Yarborough » – he accused-« well before of the opponent of Yarborough is known even.»
Bush also expressed during this period on Foreign Affairs, he demanded that President Kennedy « gathering the courage » to undertake a new attack on Cuba. [fn 13]
Before announcing his candidacy for the Senate, Bush decided to get out of what in retrospect appears as a very important insurance for her future career policy. On 22 April, Bush, with the support of the Chairman of the State Republican Peter O’Donnell, has filed a lawsuit in Federal Court, calling for the redistribution of districts of the Congress in the Houston area. The prosecution argued that urban voters in Harris County were being partially deprived of their rights by a system that favored rural voters and requested, as a remedy, that a new Congressional pull in the box. « This is not a partisan issue, » commented the civic Bush. « This is something of concern to all citizens of Harris County. » Bush would later gain this costume, and which would lead to an orderly redistribution that would create the seventh Congressional District, mainly out of these precincts which Bush had managed to carry in the 1964 Senate race. Was it the invisible hand Skull and Bones? It also means that there is no entrenched holder, no holder of any sort, in this seventh District when Bush had time to make its offers it in 1966. But for now, it was still in the future.
On 10 September 1963, Bush announced his campaign for the U.S. Senate. It was fully approved by the Republican organization of the State and its President, Peter O’Donnell, who, according to some accounts, had encouraged Bush to run. December 5, Bush also announced that he intended to resign as president of Harris County and to dedicate themselves full-time – the statewide campaign starting at the beginning of 1964. At this stage, concern before any strategic Bush seems to have been money – lots of money. On 19 October, the Houston Chronicle has focused his comment that oust Yarborough would almost require $2 million « If you want to do things. » Much of this would go to the Agency advertising Brown and Snyder in Houston for television and billboards. In 1963, it was a considerable sum, but Bush C. Fred Chambers cronyism, also a Museum, has committed to raise. During these years, Chambers seems to have been one of the closest friends of Bush, and he received the ultimate apotheosis of have one of dogs families Bush named in his honour. [fn 14]
It is impossible to establish, in hindsight, how much Bush spent in this campaign. Declare campaign finance deposits exist, but they are fragmentary and greatly underestimate the money that was actually committed.
With regard to the compromise of the campaign, Bush and his managers were faced with the following configuration: there were three competitors for the Republican Senatorial nomination. The most formidable competition came from Jack Cox, the Museum of Houston, who had run for Governor against Connally in 1962 and whose recognition by State was much higher than that of Bush. Cox would be placed to the right of Bush and who would receive the endorsement of general Edwin Walker, who was forced to resign his command of infantry in Germany because of his radical speeches to the troops. A former Democrat, Cox was reported to have the financial support of the hunt of Dallas. Cox campaigned against Medicare, Federal aid to education, the fight against poverty and the loss of the sovereignty of the United States to the United Nations.
Compete with Cox was Dr. Milton Davis, a thoracic surgeon in Dallas, which was to be the weakest candidate, but whose positions were perhaps the most distinctive: Morris was for ‘no treaty with the Russia,’ the repeal of the tax on federal income, and « selling off the coast of the industrial property of Government excess such as VAT and REA » – that the Reagan-Bush administrations would later call privatization.
Competing with Bush for the less militant conservative was Dallas lawyer Robert Morris, who recommended to deprive the supreme Court of the Court of appeal in the case of school prayer. [fn 15] In order to avoid a second run-off humiliating elementary, Bush Tower would need to score an absolute majority, the first time around. For this, he had to first compete with Cox on a plot of right and then move to the Center, after the primary to take votes from Yarborough there.
But there were also primary contests on the Democratic side for Yarborough. It was Gordon McLendon, the owner of a radio network, the Liberty broadcasting system, which was responsible for the debt. Top creditor of Liberty Broadcasting was banker Houston Roy Cullen, a buddy of Bush. Roy Cullen name appears, for example, with these death-in – the wool Bushmen as W.S. Farrish III, James A. Baker III, C. Fred Chambers, Robert Mosbacher, William C. Liedtke, Jr., Joseph R. Neuhaus and William B. Carroll in an advertisement campaign of Bush in the Houston Chronicle of the end of April, 1964. McLendon has finally gone bankrupt, it was found he owed Roy Cullen, more than $ 1 million. Then, perhaps, it isn’t surprising that McLendon campaign has worked as an adjunct to the own efforts of Bush. McLendon specialized coating the question of Billie Sol Estes Yarborough, and that is why that McLendon devoted the bulk of its budget of time and the francophone media.
Billie Sol Estes at the time was known for his conviction for defrauding the Government of the United States large sums of money in a scam involving the storage of chemical products that is not proven to exist. Billie Sol was part of the LBJ political milieu. As on the Estes developed scandal, a report appeared that he had given Yarborough a payment of $50 000 on November 6, 1960. But later, after a thorough investigation, the Department of Justice had issued a statement declaring that the charges involving Yarborough were « without any basis in fact and not supported by the credible evidence. » « The case is closed, » said the Ministry of Justice. But that has not stopped Bush to use the question to the end: « I do not want to mud-sling with [Yarborough] on issues such as the case of Billie Sol Estes connections of Yarborough with Estes is a simple matter of record that anyone can verify, » Bush said. « [Yarborough is] going to have to prove to the voters of Texas that its relations with the Billie Sol Estes were also casual as he claims they were. » [fn 16] In a statement issued on 24 April, Bush « said he welcomes the help of Gordon McLendon, Yarborough main opponent, trying to force the incumbent of the position Senator to respond ». Bush said that he planned « hammer to Yarborough, every step of the way » ‘until I get some sort of response. »
The other charge that has been used against Yarborough during the campaign has been advanced particularly in an article published in September, 1964 issue of the Reader Digest. The story was that Yarborough had facilitated the backing and grants through the Administration of Reconstruction of Texas areas for project development industrial to Crockett, Texas, only to have the project fail due to the inability of the undertaking concerned build the plant which was to take place. The accusation was that Audio Electronics, the builders of the prospective plant, had received a loan from the State of $383 000 to construct the plant, while the inhabitants of the city had raised some $60 000 to purchase the site of the factory, before the whole affair.
The Reader Digest told since Yarborough addressing a group of 35 people in Crockett on a phone squawk box in March 1963, telling them that he has been authorized by the White House to announce ‘that you get a nice new industry – which will provide new jobs for 180 people, add a new force in your area’.
Article Digest of the player to left the distinct impression that $60 000 invested by local residents had disappeared. « Because people thought that ‘ White House Announces » of their Senator’s loan guarantee of robustness of the company, several Texans audio ARA has invested in it and lost all. A man went from $40 000. A former officer of the Air Force ploughed $ 7000. « It turns out in reality that those who had invested in real estate for the plant site had nothing lost, but had rather been made an offer for their land which represented a benefit from a third party on the initial investment and therefore stood to get substantially.
Bush campaign headquarters immediately got in the Act a statement that « it is a shame » that Texans should take up the Reader Digest and find their Senator « holding the hand of scandal. » « The citizens of the region raised $60 000 in cash, invested in the company and he lost because the project was a fraud and has never started. » Yarborough shot back with a statement of his own, emphasizing that Bush claims were « basely false » and adding that the « reckless, irresponsible of false accusations of my opponent more show its falsity and the inability to the position of US Senator. » More revealing is load of Yarborough on how Digest of the resulting Reader interested in Crockett, Texas, in the first place: « the fact that Wall Street investment banking multi-millionaire connections father my opponent allow planting of false and defamatory articles about me in a national magazine as the Reader Digest will not allow the candidate of Connecticut purchase a seat in Texas in the U.S. Senate. It is on the target, what hurts. Bush groaned in response that it was Yarborough who was exposed « false, defamatory and rubbish, »and challenging the Senator to prove or retract. » [fn 17]
Beyond these attempts to smear Yarborough, once more characteristic that the main issue around which Bush has built his campaign was racism, expressed this time as opposition to the civil rights bill which was before Congress in 1964. Bush is certainly to follow his profile ideological pro-Goldwater and to gather the votes (in particular in the Republican primary) using the racists and the rights of the affected States, but especially to express the most profound principles of the philosophical world outlook of himself and his oligarchic family.
Very early in the campaign, Bush issued a statement saying: « I am opposed to the Bill currently before the Senate civil rights. Not just that Bush immediately began to operate sources of invalidity and the interposition: « Texas has a relatively good civil rights record », he argued, « and I oppose the intervention of federal Government further in the Affairs of the State and individual rights. » At this point, Bush said that his quarrel was not with the full Bill, but rather with two specific provisions, which he did not part of the initial project, but which he alluded has been added to placate violent black extremists. According to his March 17 statement, « Bush stressed that the initial Kennedy’s civil rights bill in 1962 contained no provisions for a section of public rentals or a section of the Commission practices fair employment (FEPC) «.» » « Then after the summer hot and turbulent, 1962, when it became obvious that in order to get the civil rights of the leaders support and votes in the election of 1964, something that must do more, these bad two sections have been added to the Bill, » according to Bush. « I suggest that these two provisions of the Act – which I am most bitterly opposed – were politically motivated and are cynical in their approach to a more serious problem. » But soon abandoned this approach to hair cut into four, and on March 25, he said the Tyler Jaycees « I am opposed to any Bill. » Bush explained later that, beyond the public accomodations section and the Committee for fair employment practices, he found that « the most dangerous portions of the Bill are those who make the most powerful Justice Department police force in the Nation and the most powerful Chief of police of the Attorney general the Nation. »
When Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts gave his inaugural speech in the Senate in April 1964, he included a passage referring to the late Kennedy, saying that the dead President believed that « we should not hate, but love. » Bush blasted Kennedy for what he calls « unfair critics who oppose this Bill of civil rights. In the interpretation of Bush, « dramatic gentian, almost tearful plea for passage of the Bill presented all those who are disagreed with it as Hate mongers. » « The inference is clear, » Bush said. « In other words, Ted Kennedy once said that anyone who opposes this Bill of civil rights so because he has hate in his heart. » Nothing could be farther from the truth. This is not a matter of love or hate, but of constitutionality. « Bush »and other conservative leaders »just think that Bill is based on the political map. « This Bill », Bush said, would be to further advances in the rights of individuals and States and provide even the ultimate destruction of our trial by jury system. We believe simply that this type of legislation class, resulting from more federal control and intervention, is bad for the nation. « » Bush said that the problem of civil rights is bascally a local problem best left to the States to manage. Surely this is a respectable racism of survey for the era of Selma and Bull Connor.
Bush has new rhetorical ammunition Alabama Governor George Wallace ventured into the presidential primaries, the same year and demonstrated current-put to the vote in some Northern States, a field that included the overtly racist appeals. As a result of one such result in Wisconsin, the Bush campaign issued a statement quoting the candidate as being « certainly that a majority of Americans are opposed to the civil rights bill currently being debated in the Senate ». « Bush called attention to the surprising 25% of the Wisconsin vote primary received by Governor George C. Wallace of Alabama, » said the press release. According to Bush, ‘ you can be sure that big vote was not expressed to Wallace himself, but has been used as a way to show the public opposition to the civil rights bill. » « If a flamboyant Governor Wallace can get this kind of vote in a State of the North as Wisconsin, it tells me that there must be a general concern by many responsible people on the civil rights bill the entire nation, » said Bush in Houston. « If I were a member of the Senate, today, I would vote against this Bill in its entirety. »
Bush has been described in the press of Texas as an attempt of a mixture of « Strategies of Goldwater, style Kennedy ». [fn 18] Cover reveals the narcissistic macho traits in the old plutocrat’s 40 year: « it is the kind of colleague ladies turn the head to see country club charity ball. ». The abundant campaign financing allowed Bush « attract additional individuals at gatherings with free barbecue, free drinks and entertainers. » These were billed by the Bush campaign as a return to the « political gathering at the former » and featured bands such as the Black Mountain Boys and the Bluebonnet Belles. In Restaurant de García in Austin Bush met with a group of two dozen sports young Republicans women occupying the Bush campaign posters. « » Oh girls! « crooned the candidate. ‘ » » You all look great. ! You look great. All Glam. » Them women « were of ga – ga about him in return, » wrote political journalist Ronnie Dugger in the Texas Observer, adding that Bush « campaign to become the second Republican State Senator Gets lots of energy and the brilliance of the young Republican matrons who are enthusiastic to him personally and who have a lot of money for baby sitters and nothing much to do with their time. » But the exhortations from abroad in militaristic adventurism, the substance was indeed pure Goldwater.
As expected of the man who had recently challenged Kennedy « muster the courage » to attack Cuba, one of the most vehement statements by Castro concerned Bush and Havana and were no doubt very much appreciated by the survivors of the Brigade 2506 and the Miami Cubans. Bush began with the past for a position moderate in Texas Goldwater circles: « I advocate the recognition of a Cuban Government in exile and encourages this Government all the means to reconquer his country. » This means financial and military assistance. « » I think that we should not be found in courage will help to liberate their country, « said Bush. Morris candidate had a similar position, but Cox and Davis called for an immediate restoration of the naval blockade of Cuba. Bush has so climbing them an and approved a new invasion of Cuba. A Bush for Senate campaign brochure depicts a number of newspaper articles regarding the cnadidate. The title of one of them, an unidentified newspaper, reads as follows: « CUBA INVASION urged by GOP candidate. » The subtitle reads: « George Bush, Museum of Houston, campaigning for the Republican nomination to the Senate imposes a new invasion of the Government in exile of Cuba, no negotiation of the Treaty of the Panama Canal and a package of freedom in Austin. » Other campaign flyers state that « Cuba under Castro is a threat to our national security. I advocate the recognition of a Cuban Government in exile and the support of this Government to reclaim its country. We must reaffirm the Monroe Doctrine. » Another campaign document called Cuba « a diplomatic disaster unpurchased encouraged by the absence of a Cuban political business.
That suggested Bush would have constituted an extensive and well programme funded for arming and financing of anti-Castro Cuban exiles in Miami and placing the Government of the United States at the service of their adventures – no doubt beyond substantial programs that have already been funded. Beneficiaries have included Théodore Shackley, who was now the head of station to station Miami from the CIA, Felix Rodriguez, Chi Chi Quintero and the rest of the boys of the company.
Bush attacked Senator J. William Fulbright, Democrat of Arkansas, for a call in a speech delivered to a more conciliatory policy towards Cuba, putting an end to the U.S. economic boycott. « I view the speech with great suspicion, » Bush said. « I feel that this is a trial balloon from the Department of State to see if the American people will buy a new stage in a disastrous and fresh foreign policy. » Bush called Secretary of State Dean Rusk, a hawk’s first plan, to stand firm against the policy change that proposed the Fulbright. « Fulbright said Cuba is an »unpleasant nuisance », but I believe that the Communist regime of Fidel Castro 90 miles from our shores is an intolerable nuisance. I am in favour only of the total liberation of Cuba, « Bush proclaimed », and I believe that this is possible only through the recognition of a Cuban Government in exile, backed fully by the United States and the Organization of American States ».
Mid-April, a Republican policy forum which is held in Miami heard a report of a Cuban exile leader that the Soviets had missles position on the bottom of the ocean off the coast of Cuba, with some missles pointed to the United States, and that this had been confirmed by diplomatic sources in Havana. Retrospectively, this would seem to have been a planted story. For Bush, it was obvious grist for his mill’s campaign. Bush, speaking in Amarillo, called the report « the most alarming news in this hemisphere in two years. » He called for efforts to « drive the Communists out of Cuba. »
But in tune with the times, most genocidal campaign of Bush’s statements have been made with regard to Viet Nam. Here Bush has managed to identify themselves with the war, with his climbing and the use of nuclear weapons.
Senator Goldwater had recently raised the possibility of using tactical nuclear weapons such as the defoliants more efficient to strip the jungle of the triple canopy of the Viet Nam. In response to this, a history of the Associated Press quoted Bush saying that he was in favour of anything that could be done safely to the finish of the fighting in Southeast Asia. « Bush said that it favours an extension limited war in Viet Nam, including a limited use of nuclear weapons if »militarily cautious, » » according to the release of the AP. [fn 19] A campaign of Bush’s June release 1 told me that it promotes an « extended prudent, judicious and militarily sound of the Viet Nam war. This was all before the Gulf of Tonkin incident and well before U.S. ground troops were committed to the Viet Nam.
Bush had several other remarks thereon the imminent war in Southeast Asia. In may, that he attacked the State Deparment for « bow » in Viet Nam, a policy which he had « cost the lives of many young Americans. » He further charged that U.S. troops in the Viet Nam were issued « material of poor quality war. » In response to a prediction of Secretary McNamara in defence that the war might last 10 years, Bush replied: «»It would not the case if we had developed a winning policy from the outset of this dangerous brush fire. Also in may, Bush has responded to an offensive of the Pathet Lao in Laos as follows: « this should be a warning to us to the Viet Nam. Whenever the Communist world–either Russian or Chinese – sign a treaty, or any other agreement with a nation of the free world, this Treaty is not worth the paper on which it is written. »
Bush a pugnaciously question with those who wanted to disengage from the quagmire of Vietnam, before the bulk of the casualties of the war had taken place. He did this part of its package of freedom, which was a kind of manifesto for a global US imperialist and colonialist offensive – a precursor of the new order world ante litteram. A March 30 campaign release proclaims the package of freedom in these terms: « ‘ I do not want to continue to live in a world where there is no hope for a real and lasting peace, » Bush said. He denounced « withdrawal symptoms » proposed by the Ambassador to the UN Adlai Stevenson and Senators William Fulbright and Mike Mansfield. ‘ Adlai suggested we [inter] nationalize the Panama Canal, « Bush noted, »Fulbright asks us to welcome red Cuba and renegotiate our Treaty of Panama, and Mansfield suggests us withdraw from the struggle of Vietnam. This is the kind of retreatism we become accustomed to among our supposed leaders, and that is what the Kremlin ordered. » »
Or obsession of Bush with the Panama and the Panama Canal began with Noriega. In its campaign literature Bush printed his basic position that the « Panama canal… is ours by right of the Treaty and the historical circumstances. » The channel is essential to our internal security and U.S. sovereignty over the Canal must be maintained ». What is meant by the right to the historical circumstances? « I am opposed continuation of the negotiations at the Panama, » Bush said repeatedly in his campaign speeches and releases.
If Bush saw a Saddam Hussein, a dark-skinned nationalist, foreign Muslim non-aligned third-world into the world of 1964, while leader was president Sukarno of the Indonesia. Sukarno, Nehru, Nasser, Nkruma, Tito and Bourguiba was one of the central figures of the non-aligned movement of developing nations that had emerged from the States of Bandung Conference of 29 Asian-African in 1955. In 1964 Sukarno attempted to prevent the creation of the Confederation of the British Malaysia Malaysia. Part of the maneuver of blocking of Sukarno has been pro-Indonesian guerrillas deployed in the peninsula of Malacca over Singapore and some areas of the North, including Sarawak and Sabah Borneo. From there, these guerrillas were causing problems for the business partner of Bush in the oil trade, the Sultan of Brunei. Bush targeted Indonesia and Sukarno personally for a series of abusive and violent attacks.
In April, Sukarno told the United States Ambassador Howard P. Jones that « there is a threatening country to cease its aid to the Indonesia. This country thinks he can scare the Indonesia. « I say go to hell with your aid. » Bush, of Big Spring, said in a statement on 23 April: « it is easy for President Sukarno of Indonesia we say to them ‘have in hell’ with our foreign aid – now that it has already received $894 million worth.» Bush explained that he had been in Borneo, in 1963, at the time where the Malysian Federation came into existence « in favour of the free world. » «Who», said Bush, « the error was the Malaysian Federation; coming in the world of the nations for America and the free world. The day after Sukarno, which we tried to buy with $894 million in aid, turned on the Malaysia and announced that it would destroy the new Federation. « Release notes for Bush that » Bush, who was president of Zapata offshore, said one of the platforms of the company at this time was and is today, working off the coast of Borneo. Was this a conflict of interest?
With accents that provide a strange premonition of the 1990-1991 Gulf crisis, Bush continued: « today the borders of the Federation of Malaysia are lined with Indonesian troops, carrying Russian-made weapons purchased with U.S. dollars. The Indonesians are always ready to crush the Malaysia. And what have we done? Gently, we slapped Sukarno on the wrist, then lent him another $20 million, that he used to buy some aircraft Jet, which he uses to steal its filthy assignments around the far East. What should do and still do, is of Sukarno saying: « you are violating the sanctity of the Malysian border and you have to deal with the strength of the whole of the free world! » »
Shortly thereafter, Texas Senator John Tower sponsored a cutoff of American aid to Sukarno, satisfied, although Yarborough voted to maintain the aid. Bush at a new attack. In a particularly strenuous argument, Bush stressed that Yarborough of aid to the Indonesia vote came one day after Soekarno had extended « the hand of friendship of recognition to the Communist Government of North Viet Nam. This country, friend of Sukarno, is a war in which just a day before vote Yarborough, balls Communist slammed face through the body of a helicopter pilot young of Texas. Yarborough voted to give U.S. aid to a country which is a friend with a crowd that kills young Americans and Texans… He voted to help the friends of a crowd that kills boys in Texas ». Yarborough has rejected this « wild criticism » and said that the charges illustrate Bush’s lack of understanding of the « delicate balance of power in Foreign Affairs and his lack of knowledge of the situation in Southeast Asia. » Point Yarborough was that the important thing was to prevent a war between the Indonesia and the Malaysia, and this task must override any desire to humiliate Sukarno.
Bush’s remarks in this campaign are consistent with the buildup of the United States for the 1965 military coup in Indonesia, where more than 200 000 people were killed, mainly during the anti-Communist of massacres by the army under the leadership of American advisers.
In the starting point of Bush economic policy was still « unbridled, free enterprise, » as he pointed out in a statement, unemployment, March 16: « only unbridled free enterprise can cure unemployment. » But I do not believe that the federal Government has given the private sector of our economy a real opportunity to relieve this unemployment. For example, [Johnson war on poverty program] contains a new version of the CCC, a domestic Peace Corps, and various and various half-baked pies in the sky. » Printed literature of Bush campaign stated under the heading ‘Federal economy’ « the free enterprise system must be unconditional. A strong economy means jobs, opportunity and prosperity. A controlled economy means the loss of freedom and bureaucratic clumsiness. » On April 21, Bush told voters: « We must start a phase of re-emphasizing the private sector of our economy, instead of the public sector. »
April 15, Bush had been informed that there were some 33 U.S. million living in poverty, to which he replied: « I do not see how to drape a Socialist program medi-care neck sagging of our social security program will be a blow to poverty. » And I see one only [the problem of poverty]: let us transform our system of free enterprise loose Government control. « Otherwise, Bush held » « the responsibility of the local government first to assume the burden of alleviating poverty everywhere where its exists, and I know of many communities that are more than capable of working with this problem. ‘ »
Common agricultural policy Bush approach has been in the same direction, combining the rhetoric of Adam Smith with the uncompromising defense of the food cartels. his campaign pamphlet that he was of the opinion that « Agriculture… must be restored to a market economy, subject to the basic laws of supply and demand. » April 9 in Waco, Bush came to the law on the wheat-cotton subsidy, which had received the approval of the House. « If » I am elected to the Senate, has said Bush, I will judge each agricultural measure based on whether if it gets the company enjoyed in or out of government private. « Bush said that agricultural subsidies are among »our most expensive Federal programs. »
Another recurring obsessions of Bush was his desire to break the labor movement. In the 1960s, he expressed this in the context of campaigns to prevent the repeal of section 14 (b) of the Taft-Hartley Act, which allowed States to outlaw the trade union monopoly and the Union shop and so protect the laws of the State guaranteeing the so-called workshop open or ‘right to work,’ a device that in practice have prevented the Organization of large sectors of the workforce of these States into unions. Editorial by Bush back him at the time where the Sherman antitrust Act was still used against unions.
« I believe in the right – to – work laws, » Bush told a group of prominent businessmen from Austin at a luncheon at the Commodore Perry hotel on March 5. « At every opportunity, I urge the members of the Union to resist the payment of political contributions. If there is only one in 100 who thinks for himself and votes for himself, then he should not be assessed by COPE. »
March 19, Bush said that « flagrant attack on the labour party to the right – to – work laws is open admission that labour has a monopoly and will take any measure to this monopoly. Union demands are a direct cause of the inflationary spiral, lowering real income of workers and increase production costs. « It’s the point of scientific economics, an absurdity. But four days later Bush returned to the subject, attacking United Auto Workers President Walter Reuther, a figure which Bush has repeatedly sought ot identify with Yarborough, for requests that « will only cause the extinction of free enterprise in America. A perfect example of a product out of existence of price of the Labour Party is located in West Virginia. The excessive burden of John L. Lewis for the coal industry has increased the price of coal, forcing the consumer to use a less expensive product, killed the coal industry and West Virginia now has excessive levels of unemployment. »
On labor day, Bush spoke at a rally in the Court House square Quanah and called for « the protection of the rights of the individual worker through the State rather than the federal Government. The individual working man is forgotten by Walter Reuthers and Ralph Yarboroughs, and this is the business community to protect the resources of valuable work of our country from exploitation by these left – wing of labor force leaders, said Bush, who might as well have suggested that Fox can keep the henhouse.
Texas was an area of unusually high racial tension, and Bush spent most of his time, he attacked the civil rights bill. But the alliance between Yarborough and big work was one of his favorite themes. The standard pitch went something like this, like in front of the Austin businessmen. Yarborough, he would begin by saying more closely « represents the State of Michigan made it to Texas. » This, as we shall see, was in part a lame attempt rebuttal free Yarborough that Bush was a northeastern carpetbagger. Bush would then continue: « one of the main reasons represents Yarborough Texas is so badly that he devoted most of his time representing labour interests in Detroit. » His record voting men like Walter Reuther and James Hoffa makes very happy. This man has voted for every invoice from special interest, for all spend big measure that came to his attention.
During this period, Camco, an equipment company of oil of which Bush was a Director, has been embroiled in bitter labour disputes. The regional Office of the National Labor Relations Board asked a federal injunction against Camco in order to force the company to rehire the four union organizers who had been dismissed illegally. Officials of the Union machinists, who was trying to organize Camco, also accused Bush of being complicit in what they were saying, it was the illegal failure of Camco to run an NLRB order 1962 lead Camco rehire eleven workers fired because they had attended a Union meeting. Bush replied that he was not going to be intimidated by the labour party. « As everyone knows, the Union bosses are all-out for Senator Ralph Yarborough, » replied Bush, and he had been too busy with Zapata to pay attention to Camco anyway. [fn 20] According to Roy Evans, the Secretary-Treasurer of the AFL-CIO in Texas, Bush was « a member of the wing of the Republican party dinosaurs ». Evans calls Bush « the return of Houston » and maintained that Bush had « lost touch with anyone in Texas except right. »
In February, Yarborough pointed out in his typical populist vein that his legislative approach was to « put the jam on the lower shelf for the little man can put his hand. » This scandalized Bush, who countered on February 27 that « it is a cynical attitude and one that tends to define the so-called little man independently of the rest of his countrymen. » For Bush, the jam would still be under lock and key, with the exception of the elected little of Wall Street. A few days later, on March 5, Bush elaborated that it was « opposed to the legislation of particular interest because it tends to cut the Americans. » I do not think that we can afford to have US veterans, Negro-American, Latin American and American labor these days. « Here is Bush as a political philosopher, now that the power of the authoritarian State must deal with its citizens in a totally atomized form, not organized into interest groups able to defend themselves.
Bush was particularly furious on cold war GI Bill Yarborough, whose brand it « project company » Senator « Luckily », Bush said, « it was impossible to cram his cold war GI Bill in the throat of the Congress. This is bad legislation and legislation of special interest which will erode our American way of life. I have four sons, and I do not of course think that one of them would measure their devotion and service to their country by what benefits special Uncle Sam could give them. » Neil Bush would certainly never do that! Anyway, the war cold GI Bill was nothing more that a « cynical for vote effort » has entered into the Bush.
He had a penchant in the heart of Bush for at least a few special interests, however. He was a supporter of the allocation of depletion of oil ‘proven’ 27.5%, cancellation of tax that allowed the seven sisters oil cartel to escape a significant portion of what they would otherwise pay in taxes. Public pressure to reduce this allowance has increased, and the oil cartel was preparing to concede a minor modification in the hope that it would neutralize attempts to obtain the deduction for depletion abolished entirely. Bush also called what he described as a « real oil import program, which limits imports to a level which is not harmful to our domestic oil industry. » « I know what it is to earn a paycheck in the oil sector, » he boasted. Bush also told farmers in Texas that he wanted to limit imports of foreign beef to protect their domestic markets.
Yarborough counterattack on this issue is very useful to understand that Bush wanted so fanatically to make war in the Gulf to restore the degenerate slavemaster, Emir of Kuwait. Yarborough in this Bush, Zapata Offshore Company, said was drilling oil in the Kuwait, the Persian Gulf, Borneo and Trinidad. « Every producing oil wells drilled abroad by means of corporate American more good oil market, less income for Texas farmers and ranchers.. foreign to American ports, less acres of land in Texas under oil and gas lease, » said Yarborough. « this issue is clear in this campaign – a Democratic Senator who fights for the life of the free enterprise system, as evidenced by the independent oil and gas producers in Texas and a Republican candidate, who is the international contract driller for the oil cartel. At this time the oil cartel did not lightly those who he attacked in public. Thought again the Italian tanker Enrico Mattei. For Bush, these interests of the cartel would be always sacrosanct. April 1, Bush talked about the geopolitics of oil: « I was in London at the time of the Suez crisis and quickly, I saw how the rest of the free world can become completely dependent on American oil. When the Canal was closed, the free nations of the world immediately started crying for Texas oil. »
Later in the campaign, Yarborough visited the city of Gladewater in East Texas. There, standing in the light of oil derricks, Yarborough spoke property and Bush of Pennzoil stock on quota of Pennzoil’s 1 690 barrels / day of imported oil, charge that Bush undermined the producers of Texas by the import of cheap foreign oil.
Then, according to a newspaper, « Senator spiced his presentation with a reference to »Sheik of the Kuwait and his four wives and 100 concubines »which, said, live in luxury oil Bush-drilled wells in the Gulf Persian and sold at discount prices in the United States. » He said that imports of oil sells for $1.25 per barrel, while Texas oil, selling $ 3, pay the school, city, County, and federal taxes and maintains Payroll going. Yarborough began his campaign day at a lunch with supporters in Longview. Later, in Gladewater, he said that he had seen a « Bush for Senator » sticker on a car in Longview. « Isn’t that a come down for a Texan is to be a strap-hanger for a carpetbagger from Connecticut who is drilling oil against the Kuwaiti Sheikh help keep this harem going?' » [fn 21]
Yarborough challenged Bush on several occasions to release more details about his overseas drilling and producing interests. He spoke of Bush « S.A. companies drilling in the Gulf in Asia. » He charged that Bush had « gone to incorporate two of its companies to drill in the far East, instead of their incorporation in the United States in Latin America ». This thought in turn, Yarborough, « raises questions of tax evasion. » « Tell them, George, » he mocked, « what your companies ‘S.A.’, funded by US $, American capital, American resources, are on the U.S. income tax. » Bush protested that « every dollar of tax payable by any company that I own an interest in has been paid. » [fn 22]
The status of the rural electrification Administration was also a campaign issue. Goldwater had said in Denver, Colorado, may 3, 1963 that the time had come « to dissolve the Rural electrification Administration. » Eager to appear as a clone of Orthodox Goldwater in all respects, Bush did not to distance themselves from this application. The REA was rightly popular for his efforts to bring electricity to poor areas of the campaign. Yarborough noted first that Bush « don’t know a capsule of cotton by a corn shuck », but he insisted on upgrading « If Nations United-Texan a blow on the farmers and ranchers of Texas. » To sell the REA to Texas for private power monopoly would be carrying on the requirements of the power structure is large and the wishes of the New York investment banks that handle the financing of private power monopoly. My opponent is in line to inherit a share of this structure of New York Investment Bank, « Yarborough told a gathering of officials of Texas REA.
Following in the footsteps of Prescott Bush, George Bush has been relentlessly hostile to the Government infrastructure projects. These projects are of course the essence of the American system of political economy, as conceived Franklin, Hamilton, Lincoln and FDR. A project in streams in Texas in 1964 was the Trinity River project. At the beginning of the campaign, Bush said that he could not support this project because it was exacerbating a budegt federal defecit that was already too high. But this position has proved so unpopular in the electorate of Texas with Bush later about-face, saying that he was favourable to the Trinity River project all along and that maybe there was a way to do without weighing down the defecit.
On other issues, Bush had the following positions:
On education: « education is a responsibility of the States. Federal assistance inevitably means mastered federal. I favour the retention of taxpayers more by States to strengthen State and local education programs. We must meet the challenge of education, but the State and local level. « The President of education called for the other thing?
On food stamps: Bush called a « new gimmick of the border’ with »black market of interesting opportunities here. »
On school prayer, Bush has been duly preachy: « I am concerned about the erosion of our moral strength and religious heritage. I believe that the prayers in public schools on a voluntary basis are in the great tradition on which this country was founded… Vicious attacks in the courts on prayer in schools or in reference to God in our lives must be repudiated. »
Red China: Beijing, said Bush in 1964 « shall never be admitted to the United Nations. In case that doesn’t work, then I would advocate the withdrawal of the United Nations. » Bush was the man who later polling station for the admission of the Red China on the body of the world in 1971.
United Nations: the United Nations « as long as it is currently constituted is seriously deficient and was a failure in the maintenance of peace. The United States took responsibility for the freedom of the Western world. This responsibility, we must not give up to the General Assembly. All nations must pay their dues or lose their right to vote. »
Foreign aid, Bush campaign brochure recommends, « must be reduced drastically except in areas where technological and military assistance is necessary to the defence of the world free and economically advantageous for the United States. We should use our foreign assistance to reinforce our friends and expand freedom, does not appease our enemies. »
The nuclear-test-ban treaty, although negotiated by Averell Harriman himself, has been rejected by Bush. According to campaign records, the Treaty « as ratified by the Senate, will not work. » I would be for a treaty with adequate safeguards, foolproof ». Bush added that he was taking this position « even if someone objects to [the Treaty] is accused of war-mongering. » I am the father of five children while also concerned that everyone on the cleanliness of the air and the sanctity of the home, but it is a measure to halfway and do not make work. »
The approach of the Republican Senatorial primary, Bush said he was confident that he could win an absolute majority and avoid a run-off. On 30 April, he predicted that Hill Rise would win the Kentucky Derby without a runoff, and that it would also prevail in the first round. It there was no runoff in the Derby of Kentucky, but Bush below its target. Bush did come in first with about 44% of the vote or 62 579 votes, while Jack Cox finished second with 44 079, third Morris and Davis fourth. The total number of votes cast was 142 961, so a second round was necessary.
Cox, who had attracted 710 000 votes in his race of 1962 against Connally for the position of Governor, was at that time then much better known around the State as Bush. Cox had the support of general Edwin Walker, who had made a bid for the Democratic nomination to the post of Governor in 1962 himself and some 138 000 votes. Cox has also benefited from the support of H.L. Hunt.
Morris had brought the County of Dallas, and he urged his supporters to vote against Bush. Morris says the Dallas Morning new on 5 may that Bush was ‘too liberal’ and that forced Bush in the primaries was because of the « liberal » Republican support.
Between early May and the election of runoff from June 6, Cox has mounted a vigorous campaign of denunciation and exposure of Bush as a creature of the Eastern liberal establishment, banking interests of Wall Street and the main antagonist of Golwater for the GOP presidential nomination, Governor Nelson Rockefeller hated New York. According to an article filed by Stuart Long of the long News Service to Austin on May 25 and preserved in the papers of Yarborough in the centre of history of Barker Texas in Austin, supporters of Cox distributed letters pointing to the role of partner in Brown Brothers Harriman of Prescott Bush as the basis for the accusation that George Bush is the tool of « Makers of liberal Eastern. » According to Long, the letters also include references to the New York Council on foreign policy, which he described as a »gala dinner ». [fn 23] Letters Pro – Cox said that Bush Zapata Offshore Company had a history from bidding on contracts for drilling for Rockefeller Standard Oil of New Jersey.
A booklet of anti-Bush conserved among the papers of Yarborough in the Barker Center in Austin is entitled « Who is behind the Bush? », published by the Coalition of conservatives, to beat the bushes, with a list of Harold Deyo of Dallas as president. The attack on Bush here focuses on the Council on Foreign Relations, whose Bush was not at the time a member of the public. The booklet lists a number of contributors to Bush campaign and then identifies them as members of the CFR. It is Dillon Anderson and J.C. Hutcheson III of Baker Botts, Andrews and Shepherd, Leland Anderson of Anderson, Clayton and company, Lawrence S. Reed of Texas Gulf producing, Frank Michaux, W.A. Kirkland Board of Directors of the First City National Bank. The brochure then focuses on Prescott Bush, identified as a « partner with Averell Harriman at Brown Brothers, Harriman and Company. Averell Harriman is listed as a member of the Council on foreign relations. « What would be s. Prescott Bush, together with its CFR is friends, arouses all these ‘Yankee Dollars’ which are which flow into the campaign of George? » It is reported reliably that President George Bush has contracted for time of vast and expensive television for the last week of the flow. « The brochure includes Paul Kayser Anderson, Clayton and President Bush’s campaign for Harris County. Five leaders of this company, named W.L. Clayton, L. Fleming, Maurice McAshan, Leland Anderson and Syndor Oden, are supposed to be members of the CFR.
On case fatality rate itself, the brochure quote Helen P. Lasell entitled study ‘ power behind Government today ‘ today, « which found that the fatality rate » since its inception has had an important role in planning scheme evil all of creation of a Federation of a world socialist States in the context of the United Nations. ». « These carefully crafted, plans, in the context of the World Bank and the use of billions of dollars of tax-exempt Foundation detailed, were conducted secretly for years. Their realization can mean the absolute destruction of our form of Government, national independence and sovereignty, but to a degree at least that each nation in the world. « The new world order, one sees it, is really nothing new. Furthermore, the brochure accuses a Mrs. M. S. Acherman, a first supporter of Bush in Houston, have promoted a campaign for the inclusion of last minute for liberal, Boston Brahmin former Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts in the presidential primary, Texas. Lodge won the 1964 New Hampshire primary, prompting Bush to announce that he was simply a regional phenomenon and that it remained « to Goldwater. »
As the runoff vote approached, Cox focused on financing is that Bush received. May 25 in Abilene, Cox assailed Bush for setting up « one of the largest ever seen in any political campaign spending sprees. » Cox said that he could not hope to match this funding « because Jack Cox is not, nor will ever, connected in any way with Eastern trendsetters who seek to control political candidates. » The Conservatives of Texas will serve notice on 6 June that just as surely as the Rockefeller millions can’t buy not a presidential inauguration, the million at the disposal of the George Bush cannot buy him an appointment to the Senate. « Cox stated that all his contributions came within Texas.
Republican Texas of O’Donnell organization has been massively mobilized in favor of Bush. Bush had the backing of the main newspapers of the State. When the runoff water finally came, Bush was the winner with approximately 62% of the votes cast. Yarborough said that Bush « smothered Jack Cox in Greenbacks.
Gordon McLendon, true to form, had used his own show to rehash charges Billie Sol Estes against Yarborough of pre-primary television. Yarborough nevertheless defeated McLendon in the Democratic primary Senate with almost 57% of the vote. Given the lopsided Texas party democratic voters and imposing LBJ on Goldwater advance at the top of the Democratic ticket, might have seemed victory now ran Yarborough in advance. It wasn’t so much was because of internal divisions in the democratic ranks of Texas.
First were the Democrats who came openly for Bush. The vehicle for this defection has been called conservative Democrats for Bush, chaired by Ed Drake, the former leader of Democrats in the State for Eisenhower in 1952. Drake was joined by former Governor Allan Shivers, who had also backed Ike and Dick in 1952 and 1956. Then there was the « East Texas Democrat to George Bush Committee, » chaired by the E.B. Germany, the Democratic leader of the former State and in 1964, the President of the Council of Directors of Lone Star Steel.
Then, there were various forms of secret support for Bush. Museum of Houston millionaire Lloyd Bentsen, who had been in Congress in the late 1940s, had been under discussion as a Senate candidate possible. Bush basic contention was that LBJ had interfered in politics of Texas said Bentsen to stay out of the Senate race, thus avoiding a more formidable primary challenge to Yarborough. On 24 April, Bush said that Bentsen was a ‘good conservative’ who had been kept out of the race of « Bleeding heart of Yarborough Act. » This and other indications point to a secret political agreement between Bush and Bentsen, who reappears during the 1988 presidential campaign.
Then there was the associated forces Governor Big John Connally. Yarborough later confided that Connally did everything in his power to his campaign, subject the only restrictions imposed by LBJ the wreck. Even these limitations did not amount to actual support Yarborough share of LBJ, but were instead due to the desire to LBJ to avoid the embarrassment of seeing his native state represented by two Republican Senators during his tenure at the White House. But Connally still sabotaged Yarborough as much as LBJ would allow him to get away. [fn 24] Bush and Connally had a complex relationship with points of convergence and many points of divergence. In 1956, a lobbyist working for tanker Texas Sid Richardson had threatened to « run the [Bush] ass out of the offshore drilling company » unless Prescott Bush voted for the deregulation of the gas in the Senate. [fn 25] Connally later became the trustee of the interests of Richardson. While Dallas visit March 19, Bush issued a statement saying that he accepted Connally in his criticisms of the lawyer Melvin Belli, who had sentenced the District Court in Dallas, where his client, Jack Ruby, received the death sentence for killing Oswald the previous November.
In public, LBJ was for Yarborough, although he could not quite pass on the friction between the two. Speaking after the democratic national convention to Stonewall, LBJ said: « you have heard and read that Senator Yarborough and I have had differences sometimes. » I read a lot more on them than I already knew. But I will say this, that I do not think that Texas has had a Senator in my lifetime whose track record I am more familiar with that of Senator Yarborough. And I do not think that Texas has had a Senator who voted for the people more that Senator Yarborough voted for them. And no member of the U.S. Senate lifted and fought for me or have fought for people more since I became Chairman that Ralph Yarborough. « For its part, the Bush years later cited an analysis by Time Magazine of the 1964 Senate race which concluded that » If Lyndon would remain out of it, Republican Bush would have a chance. » But Johnson is not about to stay out of it, which makes the underdog of Bush. » [fn 26]
Yarborough, for his part referred to the LBJ as a « crazy power Texas politician » and had asked President Kennedy to keep LBJ out of Texas politics. Yarborough on Connally attacks were still more explicit and colorful: he accuses Connally to act as a « viceroy and we got rid of those Texas. » when the Mexico succeeded the Spain According to Yarborough, « Texas was not a progressive Governor since Jimmy Alfred », who had held the position in 1935-1939. Bush took care to point out that it was an attack against Democrats W. Lee O’Daniel, Coke Stevenson, Buford H. Jester, Allan Shivers, price Daniel and John Connally.
Yarborough also criticized the oligarchs of the far right in the Dallas area for having transformed this city of a democratic city with a Citadel of reaction. Yarborough, the Fort Worth Star-Telegram was « worse than Pravda.
Strategy of Yarborough in the November election, focused on the identification of Bush with Goldwater in the minds of voters, since the warlike rhetoric of the Republican from Arizona was now slipping up to the certain defeat. The first instict to Yarborough had been to launch a campaign of substance, highlighting issues and its own legislative accomplishments. Yarborough in 1988 said Bush Fitzhugh Green biographer: « when I started my campaign for re-election I was praising my six-year record in the Senate. But my said speech advisers, all you have to do is quote Bush, who himself had already called 100 percent for Goldwater and the Viet Nam war. So this is what I did, and it worked very well. « [fn 27]
Yarborough in the countryside in Port Arthur on 30 October, a part of the State where its support of labour a broad, repeatedly attacked Bush as « more extreme than Barry Goldwater ». According to Yarborough, even after Barry Goldwater had repudiated the support of the John Birch Society, Bush said that he « welcomed the support of the Birch Society and embraced. » « Let’s elect you a Senator from Texas, and pas banks investment from Connecticut with their $2 500 000 » Yarborough urged voters. [fn 28]
These attacks have been highly effective, and the Bush response was to mobilize its budget projections media over his war world « flight of the Avenger » television spot, as it prepared a dirty trick of last-minute television. Should y have no debate between Bush and Yarborough, but this prevented not Bush of the staging of a televised debate ’empty chair’, which aired on more than a dozen stations around the State, October 27. Bush campaign staff a scripted one debate in which Bush responded to trafficked quotes bands sound speaking Yarborough, with sentences often cut in half from their context and otherwise distorted. Yarborough responded by saying: « the sneaky trick my opponent tries to shoot me tonight of pulling of phrases from my out of context with my recorded voice and play my voice as part of his show is illegal under the Act and a discredit to anyone who aspires to be a U.S. Senator. » I intend to protest against this illegal stuff to the Federal Communications Commission ». Bush was « cut my statements in the half, then let his speech writers Madison Avenue to meet these phrases unique. » « My opponent is an exponent of extremism, peddling smears and fear everywhere he goes. » « His appearance of more like John Birch Society conduct driving than the conduct of the United States Senate », said Yarborough. Bush has also distort the sound of Yarborough voice almost unrecognizable.
Yarborough protested to the FCC in Washington, alleging that Bush had violated article 315 of the Federal Act of communication as it then stood, because the remarks of Yarborough were previously censored and used without his permission. Yarborough also accused Bush of violation of article 325 of the Act, since it appeared that portions of the ’empty chair’ program were material that had been previously broadcast elsewhere, and which cannot be reused without permission. The FCC responded by saying that the tapes used had been made in the halls where Yarborough was speaking.
Throughout the campaign, Yarborough spoke of the dangers of electronic eavesdropping. He stressed that « everyone can be a spy, a wiretapper, a bugger, who has a little money for the cheapest devices on the market. Pickups and small recorders are now made to look like buttons, lapel or tie clips… Recorders will also find the size of a book or a pack of cigarettes. A Briefcase is available with a microphone built into the lock, and many avilable recorders may be transported in the Briefcase, while wristwatch microphone is therefore more a product used by Dick Tracy – it can actually be bought for $37.50. « Yarborough applied during the primary campaign that his Washington Office had been wiretapped, and later reported that the CIA had been irritated all the Capitol during these years. [fn 29]
Bush has also been tingling under Yarborough repeated references to its history and the birth of New England. Bush said that he was not carpetbagger, but a Texan by choice and is compared in this respect to Sam Rayburn, Sam Houston, Austin, Colonel Bill Travis, Davy Crockett, Jim Bowie and other heroes of the Alamo. Bush was not hindered by any false modesty. At least Bush said awkwardly, it was not as big a carpetbagger like Bobby Kennedy, who could not even vote in the State of New York, where he made an attempt for election to the Senate. It « depends on which the bag is made of carpet, » Bush groaned.
In the last days of the campaign, Allan Duckworth of pro-Bush Dallas Morning News tried to convince his readers that the race is heading for a « photo finish ». But ultimately, networks of Prescott, of millions of dollars, records, and other references to 36 newspapers were of no use for Bush. Yarborough defeated Bush by a margin of 1 463 958 to 1 134 337. In the context of the LBJ on Goldwater landslide victory, Bush did a bit better than the standard bearer of his party: LBJ beat 1 663 185 to 958 566 Goldwater in Texas. Yarborough, thanks in part to his vote in favor of the Civil Rights Act, won a strong majority of the black neighborhoods and ran ahead among Latinos as well. Bush won the usual Republican counties, including the pockets of GOP support in the Houston area.
Yarborough would continue once again in the Senate, vocally opposing the Viet Nam war. In the last days of the campaign, he spoke of Bush and his escort as the harbingers of a « time and society when no one speaks of the man at work. » George Bush, defeated, even though it was, would now intensify its fight to win such a world. Yarborough, although victorious, appears in retrospect as the rearguard of the fading of an imperfect America but it is better that would disappear in the end of the sixties and seventies.
1 George Bush and Victor Gold, looking forward (New York, 1987), p. 84.
2 Bush and gold, p. 84.
3 John R. Karnik, bipartisan Texas (Austin, 1985), p. 34.
4. for a summary of the southern strategy, see Garry Wills, Nixon agonists (Boston, 1970), pp. 262 ff.
5. for a profile of registration with voting from Yarborough on this and other issues, see Chandler Davidson, of Race and class in Texas Politics (Princeton, 1990), p. 29 ff.
6. for the achievements of Senate of Yarborough until 1964, see Ronnie Dugger, ‘The Substance of the Senate competition’, in The Texas Observer, September 18, 1964.
7 Bush and gold, looking forward, p. 77 et seq..
8 see Harry Hurt III, Texas Rich (New York), p. 191.
9. on the road to Bush to become president of Harris County, it is instructive to compare his future with cuts of the Chronicle of Houston at the time kept on microfiche in the historical society of Texas in Houston. Bush said he decided to run for the position in the spring of 1962, but the Houston press clearly situates the campaign in the spring of 1963. Bush also claims to have been chiarman County for two years, while Houston papers show it was from February 20, 1963 to autour December 5, 1963, less than a year.
10 Harry Hurt III, « George Bush, brave boy », Texas Monthly, June 1983, pp. 196.
11 Houston Chronicle, February 21, 1963.
12. for Anthony Farris, in the case of Pennzoil vs. Texaco, see below and also Thomas Petzinger, Jr., oil and honor (New York, 1987), passim.
13 Boston Globe, June 12, 1988, cited in Michael R. Beschloss, the years of crisis, p. 581.
14 see Barbara Bush, C. Fred history (New York, 1984), p. 2 Is an example of usually singular of Mrs. Bush to compose books in which she speaks through a canine character, a feat she repeated to ploy current family of pet and public relations, Millie. In its account of how C. Fred the dog takes its name, George Bush is understood to exclude the names of usual dog with the comment: « not at all. We bushes have always named our children we loved people. « So, writes Fred C., »I’m named after the best friend of George Bush, Fred C. Chambers of Houston, Texas. I met him several times and it does really seem to appreciate the great honour which awarded him the bushes. »
15 see Ronnie Dugger, ‘Four Republicans’, in the Texas Observer, April 17, 1964.
16 quotes from Bush and Yarborough campaign material, unless otherwise stated, are Senator Yarborough in filing documents in the Eugene C. Barker Texas History Center at the University of Texas at Austin.
17 see Ronnie Dugger, ‘The Substance of the Senate contest,’ in the Texas Observer, September 18, 1964.
18. see « the Texas historic Senate Race » in the Texas Observer, October 30, 1964.
19 cited in Ronnie Dugger, ‘The Substance of the Senate contest’, the Texas Observer, September 18, 1964.
21 Dallas News, October 24, 1964.
22 Dallas News, October 3, 1964.
23. a report without title amongst the papers of Yarborough in the centre of the Barker Texas history refers to the « affiliation of Senator Bush in a type of knife-and-fork-club of New York from the organization called, » the Council on Foreign Relations ‘. » In a general smear – primarily via the « ‘ I understand ‘ chain letter of communication – the father Bush was frequently attacked, and young bushes were greatly relieved when Barry Goldwater was a volunteer words of loving praise for his former colleague during a Dallas $100-a-plate dinner. ‘ »
24. to what extent these efforts could be matter of speculation. Douglas Caddy in his book, The Hundred Million Dollar Payoff (New Rochelle), p. 300, reprints of an internal memorandum of the Machinists non-partisan League policy, which expresses alarm on the prospects for the election of Yarborough, who is described as « the last stand-up democratic liberal that we in the South. » The memo, Jack O’Brien to A.J. Hayes, is dated October 27, 1964 and CITES reports of different worker co-operatives to the effect that »the’ fix’ to defeat Ralph Yarborough and replace it with a Republican, Bush, the son of Prescott Bush of Connecticut. The only issue is that this ‘solution’ is a product of Governor Connally only or is the result of a collaboration between Connally and President Johnson. « According to the memo, LBJ »Walter Reuther called Lyndon Johnson to express his concern with the failure to invite Mrs Yarborough to accompany »plan through Texas. Labour leaders have tried to help raise funds for last-minute Yarborough television programs and also to extract a more vocal support for the Senator from LBJ.
25 see Bush and gold, impatient, p. 82.
26 Bush and gold, impatient, p. 87.
27 Fitzhugh Green, George Bush: a Portrait intimate (New York, 1989), p. 85.
28 Dallas News, October 31, 1964
29 Ronnie Dugger, ‘Policies of Goldwater, Style of Kenndy’ Texas Observer, October 30, 1964.
George Bush: the unauthorized biography – by Webster g. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin
Chapter – X- Rubbers goes to Congress
During the heat of the campaign of Senate, readjustment of Bush trial has progressed in a way that should provide plenty of comfort in the middle of the bitterness of defeat. When Bush won his suit at the Houston federal district court, there was a strong cry of Governor John Connally, who called this tribunal Auguste as a « Republican Court. Bush moaned that Connally was to be ‘ vitriol’. During the primary campaign of Bush, a panel of three judges of the Court of appeals for Federal circuit had ruled that the State of Texas must be redistricted. Bush has called the result « a great victory for all the people of Texas. » March, costume readjustment of Bush had received the favorable US supreme court action. This means that the track was clear to create a non-incumbent district, designer for George in a masterpiece of gerrymandering that would make him an elected official, the first Republican member in the recent history of the Houston area.
The new seventh district was drawn to create a liberal Republican seat, carefully taking into account what areas Bush had managed to carry in the Senate race. What emerged was essentially a lilly-white, the aristocrats of the rich upper average and upper crust. There are also small black and Hispanic enclaves. In areas of the city of the new district, Bush had tilted upwards a margin of eight to five Yarborough. [note 1]
But before you prepare a campaign for Congress in the 7th District in 1966, Bush first had to jettison some of the unnecessary ideological ballast he had taken for his profile of Goldwater 1964. During the 1964 campaign, Bush had spoken more frankly and more bluntly on a series of political issues he has never before or since. Aside from colouring of Goldwater, it comes from afar with the impression that much of the time the speeches are not just inventions, but often reflect his own oligarchic instincts and deeply rooted obsessions. In late 1964 and early 1965, Bush has been afflicted by a hangover induced by what had been an orgy of revelation unprecedented.
1965-66 George Bush model would become a moderate, abandoning the shrillest of the 1964 conservative crusade notes.
The first time an Episcopalian mea culpa. As admirer of Bush Fitzhugh Green reports, « one of his first not was to Shuck off troublesome track of his campaign of 1964. He married some conservative ideas that don’t jibe with his own moderate attitude. ‘ Past statements became inoperative, is collected, when Bush discussed the matter with his Anglican pastor, John Stevens. « You know, John, » said Bush, « I have taken positions far right to get elected. I hope that I never do it again. I regret this. « His radical position on the civil rights bill would have been a large part of his »regrets « . Stevens later commented: « I suspect that his objective on civil rights was the same as mine: it’s just he wanted to pass by the jurisprudence to reach it. » This way nothing could be done. Yet, it represents all the best of the nobility obliges. « [fn 2]
This is typically an attempt to purge in the Organization of Harris County GOP reversing his field that Bush had reported that he was. His gambit here was to call on the activists of the party to take an « anti – extremist and fight against intolerance gage, » as the Houston Chronicle reported may 26, 1965. [fn 3] Bush attacked unnamed Apostles of ‘guilt by association’ and ‘ avant-garde psychology of fear and its positions triggered a bitter and prolonged row in the GOP of Houston. » Bush has made it clear that he was targeting the John Birch Society, which he had been eager to attract in its own efforts to 1964 of activists. Now Bush beat up on muesli as a means of correcting its profile of right wing of the previous year. Bush said with his usual tortured syntax that members Birch claim « abhors the smear and slander and guilt by association, but how many of them speaks against him publicly? »
This was followed by a Bush-inspired movement to oust Bob Gilbert, who had been the successor to Bush as the Chairman of the GOP county during the period of Goldwater. Bush retainers has developed the line that « extremists » were gaining too much power under Gilbert, and that therefore, he has to go. The Bush faction was now sufficient influence to oust Gilbert on June 12, 1965. The eminence grise of the right faction, State Senator Walter Mengdon, declared to the press that the ouster of Gilbert had been dictated by Bush. Bush groaned in response that he was very disappointed by Mengdon. « I have stayed out of politics of the County. I thought that all the Republicans had supported my campaign, « Bush told the Houston Chronicle the day that Gilbert had fallen.
July 1 Houston papers reported the election of a new, Republican County leader « anti-extremiste ». It was James M. Mayor, who defeated James Bowers with a margin of 95 votes against 80 in the Executive Committee of the County. Mayor was approved by Bush, as well as by Senator Tower. Bowers was an auctioneer who seeks a return to Goldwater « magic ». State GOP Chairman O’Donnell hopes that the new president would be able to put an end to « the great case of dissension within the party in Harris County for several years. » Despite this vow piles, faction bitter fighting has torn the Organization shires of parts over the next years. At one point, the Ripon society, a grouping of liberal Republican throughout the country claiming to be part of an effort to reconstruction after the Goldwater debacle, moderating intervened in the County to protect the Mayor against the right-wing opposition. In doing so, the Ripon society intervened also in favor of Bush. People from Ripon said the guerrillas against the Mayor as « another demonstration of the persistent strength of the extreme right in the bosom of the Texas GOP. » Shortly after this scaramouche, the breakaway faction of the Harris County GOP controlled 87 of 189 seats in city.
But at the same time, Bush has taken care of his left flank of police distancing himself from the beginnings of the movement against the war of Viet Nam, which had been visible in the middle of 1965. A remarkable document of this maneuver is the text of the debate between Bush and Ronnie Dugger, the writer and editor of the observer Texas. The debate was held July 1, 1965, before the Junior Bar of Texas convention in Fort Worth. Dugger had approved Bush – in such a way that Dugger said is « not without whimsical intent » in the Senate’s GOP primary the previous year. » Dugger was no radical; at this stage was not really against the Viet Nam war, and actually approved the policy of LBJ, saying that the President had « no easy way to Viet Nam, but it looks and looks hard for an Honourable exit door.» [fn 4] Nevertheless, Dugger concluded that LBJ had made a series of mistakes in the implementation of its policy. Dugger also embraced the reservations put forward by Senator Fulbright to the effect that « seeking a total military victory would be more expensive than the requirements of our interest and honor. » Therefore Dugger against any further escalation and argued that the demonstrations against the war and civil disobedience could be beneficial.
Bush first real cause for alarm was to see « the civil rights movement deployed a massive vehicle to attack the President’s foreign policy to the Viet Nam. He began by attacking Conrad Lynn, a lawyer of « nigger » who had told students to « my old University-Yale University » – that « white supremacy in the United States army was sent to suppress the non-white world population. According to Bush »the Yale Daily News reported that the audience applauded when annunced [Lynn] that many Negroes were gone in Asia to enlist in the army of northern Vietnam to fight against the United States. « Then Bush turned to his true target, Martin Luther King. King, he said, which is « identified with the cause of Negro freedom, said, in Boston, the other day he does not sit at a separate lunch counter where you have strontium-90 in milk, overlooking the fact that it’s the Communists who are testing in the atmosphere today, the Red Chinese. » It is not in the United States. « Then there was Bayard Rustin, ‘a particular leader in the Negro struggle for freedom, which calls for the withdrawal of Viet Nam ‘. « This is all hypocritical according to Bush, because »they are talking about civil rights in this country, but they are willing to sacrifice individual rights in Communist countries.
Bush was also annoyed during demonstrations against the war, because they were populated by what he called « extremists: » « I’m sure you know what is an extremist. This is a guy who takes a good idea and door ends simply absurd. And that is what has happened. Of course, the re-emergence of the beatnik policy causes me personally great pleasure. Many conservatives did grimace in 1964 as we have been labeled of right-wing extremists. And certainly we have been hampered by the boos of Nelson Rockefeller to the convention and some comments that referred to the smell of fascism in the air at the Republican convention and this kind of things, and we winced. »
Warming to the subject, Bush continued: « Let me give you a few examples of this kind of left-wing extremism. Averell Harriman – surely not known for his reactionary views – speaking at Cornell University, speaking of Viet Nam before a crowd that calls « Liar! » [They] him booed in the State, that he could finish the sentence, and finally it is so frustrated, he asked: « how many in the audience are Communists? » « And a lot of people there – small I will admit – which is held upwards hands. »
Extremists, for Bush, so were those who have assailed the Rockefeller and Harriman.
Bush defended the Committee House Unamerican activities against the demonstrations organized by James Foreman and CCCs, sympathized with an official from the State Department who had been branded a fascist in the State of Iowa and continued to assail the movement of ‘dirty speech’ Berkeley. He cited as an example of the ‘pure naivete’ civil rights, Coretta Scott King who has « managed to bind the peace and civil rights, somehow managed to link these two things together philosophically » – that Bush professed not to probe. « If we can be non-violent in Selma, why we cannot be nonviolent in Vietnam, » Ossie Davis had said, and Bush has proposed that he be awarded the Wiener ‘green’ for his ‘nonsense theory’, « which has got to be the fuzziest of the year thought. »
Beyond this inevitable race obsession, Bush was frankly a Falcon, frankly for climbing, opening the door to nuclear weapons to Viet Nam, just a little more subtly that there the previous year: « and if I stand here as one who says I will save the President and military leaders no matter what weapons they use in Southeast Asia. »
In 1964, 1965 and 1966, Bush was still running as President of Zapata Offshore full-time, although some of his colleagues complained that he was still less simple mind on money. During this period, activities are spreading quickly and Vicksburg of Létourneau yard turned out a series of offshore drilling platforms, including some of the new design. Business was good in 1964, with net income up to 85% from the previous year. Bush wrote in the annual report of 1964 Zapata Petroleum: « industry of offshore drilling in which we operate continuous strong and active, with almost all the facilities in the Gulf of the Mexico has used 100% of the time. In addition, other market around the world are active and open new markets. »
The last Létourneau, drilling rig was the Maverick, which was then the largest drilling Jack-up barge in action around the world. Self-elevating barges were mobile platforms with legs that rested on the ocean floor. « The maximum depth of water in which Jack-up barges can work is limited by the length of their legs, » Bush recalled to shareholders. Maverick went to work for the California company. The MAVERICK design was so promising, Bush told shareholders that Zapata had completed negotiations to build two new rigs of the MAVERICK class, « who would work for Shell. Gulf oil was also eager to hire one of the new rigs of Zapata.
The SCORPION, which was the first mobile jack-up barges, spent 1964 to off the coast of Louisiana, under contract with Shell oil. The VINEGAROON spent the first half of the year off the coast of Trinidad and then moved to a position off the coast of Louisiana. The SIDEWINDER, in the form of ship floating Zapata drilling vessel, was towed by Brunei Shell Petroleum Compnay Ltd. of Royal Dutch Shell, to a position off the coast of the Sultanate of Brunei, on the northern coast of Borneo. Bush wrote in the report annual 1964 Zapata « Brunei Shell Petroleum Compnay, Ltd., has been notified to your company of the intention to exercise its option, figure in the drilling contract, to purchase the SIDEWINDER’s Shell. Money from the sale of SIDEWINDER will cover part of the cost of new platforms. Shell plans to move the SIDEWINDER in the Persian Gulf where Seacat-Zapata, our subsidiary in the Persian Gulf, will operate the SIDEWINDER with another subsidiary of Shell. »
Among the old platforms, the NOLA I, the hull of cargo of the second world war with a built drilling rig, have now regarded as obsolete. The NOLA, I was sold to a Mexican drilling company, probably the one connected to Diaz Serrano or one of its corporate fronts. The NOLA III, which had been sold in 1961 to Zapata – Seacat Offshore Company, one of the subsidiaries of Bush, was still active in the « relatively calm waters » of the Persian Gulf. « In 1964, NOLA III worked for Kuwait Shell Petroleum Development Company and Continental Oil Company, » Bush wrote in his annual report of 1964. Then the Sultan of Brunei and the Emir of Kuwait were actually trading partners of Bush.
The fleet of Zapata drilling rigs was being continuous modernization, with floating platforms ship gradually for auto-elevation-shaped drilling rigs. In 1964, three of the five rigs of Zapata were ship-shaped floating body, but in 1966, Bush wrote, only the NOLA III would remain active in this class. A threat to the fleet of Zapata has been asked by the hurricanes in the Gulf: in 1964, Hurricane Hilda had done some damage to SCORPION, VINEGAROON, and the new MAVERICK.
Investigation on the world market of drilling rigs, Bush stressed that « discovered off the coast of Nigeria are drawing rigs in this area. » There was also the recent discovery of oil in the North Sea, so that « during the summer, the leased United Kingdom a large area off its eastern coast for offshore exploration. » « Most of the world major oil tankers are investing heavily in the North Sea, » Bush observed. There were also the Persian Gulf, where « a large sell off the coast of the northern coast of the Persian Gulf was completed by the Iranian Government that this report goes to press. » « All these events should have a beneficial effect on the Affairs of Zapata in the coming years, » Bush concluded.
In 1965, Bush was able to boast in its last annual report of Zapata, earnings per share increased for the sixth year on seven of its mandate. A serious setback was the destruction of the MAVERICK platform by Hurricane Betsy in the Gulf. But Bush has managed to reassure the shareolders: « I am pleased to see that in the three weeks of Hurricane Betsy, your company received the full value by insurance companies. The cover was made with Lloyds of London and British insurance companies, and the company’s offshore drilling should be grateful for the way in which these companies responded when the disaster struck. »
World offshore drilling market study of the included Bush now the coast of Nigeria, the Iranian leases in the North of the Persian Gulf, offshore of Austrialian fields and then by opening upwards, the Gulf of Suez and the start of drilling in areas of the North Sea by Great Britain and the Norway. Zapata, Bush said, was to keep in touch with British Petroleum, Shell and Continental. On the world market of global oil, Bush cited John Loudon, the elder, Director of the Royal Dutch Shell Group by saying that in 25 years, the free world would require three times the amount current oil for consumption.
Later, the SIDEWINDER finished its travel from areas of the Sultan of Brunei to off the coast of North Borneo and began operating in the Persian Gulf. But to replace SIDEWINDER, Southeastern-Zaapata drilling, a third owner affiliated, had built a new rig in Japan at a price of some $6.5 million, and this platform had been moved to the coast of Borneo under contract to Shell. NOLA III of Seacat Zapata had left the Persian Gulf and now operates in the Gulf of Tunis, from which it would proceed to the coast of the Red Sea to Ethiopia. VINEGAROON was working off the coast of Louisiana for Chevron, and a new rig, tentatively labelled RIG 8, was also destined for the Gulf of Mexico. Opportunities seemed imminent in Australia, where Zapata had set up a special relationship with the oil drilling and Exploration Ltd., of the Australia.
In 1966, the year where Bush says he left the leadership of Zapata to devote himself full time to politics, Zapata saw a further increase in earnings per share. According to the annual report of 1966 Zapata Zapata of « net profits for 1966 exceeded net profits of several companies of the Fortune 500 » The value of the Zapata offshore drilling fleet was an estimated $34 million, and the company’s shares are now traded on the American Stock Exchange. With the departure of George H.W. Bush as Chairman of the Board of Directors, the personalities of Zapata company underwent a reshuffle. With Bush, left his mother Uncle Herbie, aka G.H. Walker Jr., Managing Director of G.H. Walker and Co., New York. J.W. Gardner was out as Chairman, replaced by William H. Flynn. The new Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer was now D. Doyle Mize, who previously was a member of the Board of Directors. The interests of Underwood, Neuhaus Co. retained their seat on the Board of Zapata, but their representative changed Milton R. Underwood to William stamps amal III, Bush’s Beeville hunting companion and grandson of Standard Oil Executive, who had been exposed to deal with Nazi firms. Added to the Board of directors were also two representatives from the Houston leader of law firms, including the R.P. Bushman of Vinson Elkins, Weems Searls, and B.J. Mackin, Baker Botts, Berger Coates. Judging by the presence of Amal and lawyers in Houston, we can conclude that although Bush had left the formal structure of Zapata, he still had the Board members to represent its interests, which was important given the stock of Zapata, that he continued to hold. The New York unique to the Board of directors after Bush was also a new face, Michael M. Thomas of Lehman Brothers.
New platforms included the ENDEAVOUR, heron and CHAPARRAL, plus a share of 60% of a floating vessel shaped vessel off the coast of the Australia. Oil from the Gulf of the Denmark had signed a $9 million contract for a new platform called the MAERSK Explorer, the first of a new generation of drilling units Létourneau. CHAPARRAL was under contract with AGIP, a subsidiary of the State Italian oil compnay ENI, for operations in the Adriatic Sea. VINEGAROON was under contract with the Brazil Petrobras. Activity of Zapata offshore drilling by regions now inclusive of Brazil, Italy, England, Denmark, the Persian Gulf, Australia and Louisiana.
With regard to the world market, the new leadership of Bush after offered the following summary: « offshore drilling industry, in which Zapata is a major participant, has renovated a substantial modification in the character and scope of the last five years. Five years ago almost all offshore drilling units were operating in a geographic area, the Gulf of the Mexico. Today, six offshore provinces distinct appeared as showing strong evidence of having major oil deposits. « Horizons of the world were large, with the mangement of Zapata with seventeen oil at sea or in existing gas production and fifty other countries exploration or drilling for oil. Capacity of Zapata to work in places like the North Sea, Australia and Kuwait reflects not only a very close relationship between Zapata and the seven sisters petroleum cartel, but an excellent dish with the sanctuary of this agreement, the nexus of Royal Dutch Shell-British Petroleum, who has exercised decisive influence on policies and the emergency plans of the cartel. Royal Dutch Shell has been for example society who resorted to Lord Victor Rothschild services its future programming.
Zapata’s 1966 annual report estimated that approximately 50% of the profits of the company comes from U.S. operations, 20% from the North Sea, 10% of the Middle East, 10% of Austrialia and 10% from a subsidiary called Williams-McWilliams, who aboard dredging in the Gulf of the Mexico and the lower reaches of the Mississippi River. One can imagine that George Bush had, to a certain extent, participated in the negotiations for these operations. During his years with Zapata, it seems that he had been able to extend the scope of its activity to the arena of Cuba-Caribbean to the Persian Gulf, elsewhere in the Arab world, the Brazil, Scandinavia and the Adriatic waters between the Italy and Yugoslavia.
As the election of the 1966 Congress approached, Bush was optimistic about his chances of finally getting elected. This time, instead of swimming against the cataclysm Goldwater, Bush could be enhanced by the classic mid-term election reflext almost always allowing the candidates of the Congress of the ruling party. And LBJ at the White House was vulnerable on a number of points, the escalation of the war in Vietnam to stagflation. The designer of the new Houston Congressional gerrymandering had worked perfectly, and therefore had his demagogic shift toward the « vital » Center of moderate conservatism. Because the district has been newly drawn, no there is no well-known licensee to face. And now, by one of the convenient coincidences that seem to be scattered throughout the life of Bush, the only obstacle between him and the election was a conservative type ugly and vindictive democratic Wren, the kind of figure that would make even Bush looks reasonable.
The Democrat in question was Frank Briscoe, a former district attorney. According to the observer of Texas, « Frank Briscoe was one of the most brutal prosecutors in the history of Houston. He said a ‘ten convictions most wanted list’ by that it will keep the public advised how much luck he had obtained convictions against the defendants selected and then detained in custody. Now, as a candidate for Congress, Briscoe runs Vireo red-eyed for the straight in Houston. It is undemocratic, rights of civilians; anti-foreign aid; anti-Lutte poverty. The fact that he calls himself a Democrat is totally irrelevant. « On the other hand, from the point of view of the Texas Observer, »his opponent, George Bush, is a careful man. It promotes the war in Viet Nam; It was for Goldwater, although probably reluctantly. It is no firebrand. Yet Bush is just civilized in the relations between the races, and he now openly rejects the support of the John Birch Society. This is a case where the election of a Republican Congress would help to preserve the balance of two thirds of the country and at the same time spare Texas embarrassment »to have someone like Briscoe go to Washington. [fn 5] Ideological facelift of Bush was working. « I want sensitive and dynamic conservatism, not fear and reactionary, » Bush told the Wall Street Journal.
Briscoe retrospectively appears as a candidate made to measure for the new moderate profile of Bush, and it indicates that it is just what it was. Sources in Houston recalled that in 1966 there was another democratic candidate for the new seat of the Congress, a democratic moderate and attractive named Wildenthal. These sources say that Bush supporters financially large scale for Briscoe in the Democratic primary campaign, so that Wildenthal has lost to Briscoe, establishment of the race that Bush is his advantage. A designer neighborhood wasn’t that George; It has also required an opponent designer should prevail – which may be relevant to the final evaluation of what has passed in 1988.
One of the key points of differentiation between Bush and Briscoe was on the run. The district has approximately 15% black population, but making inroads among registered Democrats here would be of decisive importance for the side GOP. Bush made sure he saw sponsor a black baseball team and that he speaks much of his work for United Negro College Fund when he was at Yale. He told the press that the « black power » agitators were not a problem among most responsible black Houston « I think the day is spent », Bush noted, « when we can afford to have a neighborhood of white lilies. I will not appeal to the reaction of white try. I am in tune with the 1960s. « Bush even took a position in the Office of Economic Opportunity anti-povety apparatus in the city. He argued the preschool project. In contrast, Briscoe «accused» Bush to woo black support and recalled that the other members of the Texas Congress was voting against civil rights legislation when it came to the Congress to Bush. Briscoe has antagonized some parts of the black community in its relentless pursuit of the death penalty in cases involving accused’s black capital. According to the New York Times, « Negro leaders have mounted a quiet campaign for only the Negroes to vote for [Bush] ». « »
Briscoe campaign ads stressed that it was a right winger and a Texan and accused Bush of being « the darling of the Lindsey [sic] – crowd Javits, » approved by trade unions, liberal teachers, Republican Liberals and liberal syndicated columnists. Briscoe was proud of its endorsements of Governor John Connally and the Action Committee of conservative, a local group of extreme right. An endorsement for Bush that caused Briuscoe some difficulty was that of mentor Bush Richard M. Nixon. In 1966, Nixon was on the way back, after wihstood the virtual nervous breakdown that after losing his candidacy for Governor of California in 1962, he had suffered. Nixon was now during the Assembly of delegates which would give the GOP presidential nomination in Miami in 1968. Nixon came to Houston and made appearances to campaign for Bush, as he did in 1964.
Bush had brought a new group of handlers and propagators of image for this race of 1966. His campaign manager was Jim Allison of Midland. Harry Treleaven focused in the design, the Bush propaganda.
Treleaven was working at the advertising agency J. Walter Thompson in New York, but it took a leave from J. Walter to come to work for Bush in Texas. J. Walter Thompson, Treleaven had sold products of Pan American, RCA, Ford and Lark cigarettes. He was drawn to Bush because he had lots of money and was willing to spend generously. After the campaign, Treleaven wrote a long memo on what he had done. He called it « ‘ upset: the story of a modern political campaign. ‘ » One of the fundamental points Treleaven sale of Bush was that matters play no role. « Most national issues today are so complicated, so difficult to understand and have opinions on it they intimidate or, more often, were the average voter… » Some politicians acknowledge this fact. « In its memorandum, Treleaven has described how he was walking around Houston in the hot August 1966 and asked people what they thought of George Bush. He concluded that many considered Bush as « a very nice person », but that « there was a blur on exactly where he stood politically. »
Treleaven, was an ideal location. « There will be few opportunities persuasive logic, i.e. straight – because probably more people vote for irrational, emotional reasons that suspect professional politicians. » Treleaven approach was that « politicians are celebrities. Treleaven put 85% of campaign budget muscular Bush in advertising and 59 per cent of that was for television. Newspaper ad got 3%. Treleaven knew that Bush was behind in the polls. « We can turn this into an advantage, » he wrote, « by creating an image of ‘fight against the oppressed’. Bush must convince voters he wants to really be elected and works hard to earn their right to vote. People sympathize with a man who strives to: they are also flattered that anyone would really itself to get their vote. Bush, therefore, must be included as a man who works to win her heart out. »
As Joe McGinnis summarizes the television ads that resulted: « again and again, on every TV in Houston, George Bush was seen with her coat slung over one shoulder; his sleeves rolled up; walking the streets of his neighbourhood; smiling, grasping, sweating, informing the elector that he cared. Everything which has never clearly. « [fn 7]
Driven by these professionals of gilders, Bush has acted as general public, fair and accommodating that might be. In an Exchange with Briscoe in the Houston Chronicle, a few days before the election, he is out to « a man’s right to join a Trade Union and the right to strike, but I also would support fair legislation that no strike can paralyze this nation and endanger the general well-being.» But it was always for the right of Texas in the right job. Bush supported « this Viet Nam position of LBJ… ». I would like to see a Conference Asian all – convened to address this horrible war. « The Republican leadership, President Johnson and Secretary Rusk and almost all except the real ‘doves’ approve it. » Bush was against ‘sweeping gun control.’ Briscoe wanted to cut « extravagant domestic spending » and thought that the money could be found by force the France and the USSR finally pay their debts of war since the two world wars!
When it came to urban renewal, Bush spoke upwards for the Charles Percy National Home property Foundation, which bore the name of a Republican Senator liberal leader. Bush wanted to put federal emphasis on issues such as « old houses of rehabilitation. « I support the concept of local options on urban renewal. Let the people decide, »said, with a slight wink of eye in the direction of the new emerging left.
In Bush campaign ads, he invited voters to « take a couple of minutes and see if you do not agree with me on six important points, » including the Viet Nam, inflation, civil disobedience, employment, voting rights and « extremism » (Bush was against the extreme right and the extreme left). And there was George, announced as « businessman…… traveller civic leader in the world… the war hero, » bareheaded in a white shirt and tie, with his jacket slung over his shoulder in the post-Kennedy mode.
In the context of a Pro – GOP trend that brought 59 freshman Republican members of Congress in the House, the biggest influx in twenty years, calculated approach Bush has worked. Bush got about 35% of the black vote, 44% of rural voices usually yellow-dog Democrat and 70% in the exclusive suburb of River Oaks. However, his margin was not large: Bush received 58% of the vote in the district. Bob Gray, the candidate of the Constitution Party, obtained less than 1%. Despite the role of black voters in his victory, Bush could not refrain from complaining. « If there were a disappointing appearance in the vote, it was my being submerged in the black speaker, despite our making an effort all-out to attract black voters. » He was curious and frustrating, Bush observed in his 1987 campaign autobiography. [fn 6] After all, Bush complained, he had put the GOP funds in a bank owned by Blacks when he was Chairman of the party; He had opened an office party with full-time employees near Texas Southern Black college, he had worked closely with Bill Trent of the United Negro College Fund, all with meager profits as Bush has seen. Many black voters were not ready to reward requires nobility of Bush and who threw him into a State of rage, if her thyroid gland was already overtime in 1966.
When Bush got in Washington in January, 1967, the brothers Brown, delivered Harriman networks: Bush has become the first member of the first year of the House of parties to give a seat to the Commission means since 1904. And it did, it should be recalled, as a member of the party of the minority and at a time when the first year of the Congress was supposed to be seen but not heard. The Committee of ways in those years was still a real centre of power, one of the most strategic in the House as well as points of the Rules Committee and a few others. By the provision of the Constitution, all tax laws originated in the House of representatives, and taking into account the traditions of organisation of the Commission, all tax invoices were from the Committee on ways and means. In addition to the national importance of such an allocation from the Commission, means oversaw legislation affecting vital area as oil and gas and other depletion allowances and concerns of Texas.
Later writers have amazed embodiment of Bush to get a seat on ways and means. For John R. Karnik, this reflects « The Republicans national potential large held for George Bush. » The Houston Chronicle, which had supported Briscoe in the election, found that this appointment « the GOP could point upwards to one of the benefits of a bipartisan System State. » [fn 8]
In this case, unlike so many others, we are able to establish how the invisible hand Skull and Bones actually worked for Bush this important political plum. This is due to the indiscretion of the man who was president of the means for many years, the Democratic Congress Wilbur D. Mills of Arkansas. Mills has been hounded absent due to a problem of alcoholism and subsequently found work as a lawyer for a firm of tax law. Asked about the appointment of Bush to the Commission he controlled in 1967, Mills said: « I put him on. » I received a phone call from his father telling me how it was important for him. I told him I was a Democrat, and the Republicans had to decide; « and he said that the Republicans would do it if I just asked Jerry Ford. » Mills said that he had asked Ford and John W. Byrnes of Wisconsin, who has been the ranking Republican on the ways, and Bush has been, through again to Daddy Warbucks, Prescott Bush. [fn 9]
Wilbur Mills can have is in for many years hurt more by not treating always George duly leaves meet. Due to Bush’s obsession with control of births for the lower orders, Mills gave Bush the nickname « rubber, » which stuck with him during his years in Congress. « . [fn 10] Poppy Bush was not amused. One day, Mills could think in retrospect, like so many others, about the revenge of Bush.
Mills extended once the questioning of Walter Reuther of the UAW, which appeared as a witess in hearings before the Committee, let George Bush some questions and look for the hometown press. Mills career in public life has been destroyed during the Presidency of Ford when he found cavorting drunk in public with the dancer Fanny Foxe. This happened at a time when the Church and Pike committees of the Congress had been beat the CIA, and when George Bush was preparing to take over as Director of the CIA. The fall of Wilbur Mills, as well as the alleged influence of the Congress of traffic Koreagate scandal, appeared at the time as reprisals designed to hit the Congress on the defensive.
George and Barbara claim to have bought a House on Hillbrook Lane in invisible Northwest view from Washington by telephone from Milward Simpson Senator from Wyoming, the father of Senator Al Simpson, the current GOP minority whip. Later, the family moved to Palisade Lane.
The Bureau of the Congress by Bush in the Longworth building was led by assistant administrative Rose Zamaria, with Pete acting as the Member of Congress Press Secretary Roussel and Jim Allison and Aleene Smith also on staff. Bush said that his closest buddies in these included day Bill Steiger of Wisconsin, Mississippi Rep. Sonny Montgomery, liberal Republican Barber Conable of New York (later attacked as « Cannibal barbarian » in some developing countries then he was president of the World Bank in the Reagan-Bush years), Tom Kleppe of North Dakota and John Paul Hammerschmidt of Arkansas (a long term ally).
In January 1968, LBJ gave his State of the Union message to the Congress, while Tet of Viet Cong offensive was a shambles of the Viet Nam war policy. The Republican response came in a series of brief statements of former president Eisenhower, House Minority leader Jerry Ford, Rép Melvin Laird, Senator Howard Baker and other members of Congress. Another tribute to the efforts of networks Prescott Bush-Skull and Bones was the fact that, in the middle of this parade worthy Republicans appeared, with the fists and the tense jaw clenched to the book on the table, Rép George Bush.
The Johnson Administration had stated that austerity measures were not necessary at the moment where the Viet Nam war was continued. LBJ has promised the people of ‘guns and butter’, but now the economy was starting to become in decline. Public rhetorical position overall of Bush over the years has been to ask the democratic administration to impose specific austerity measures and replace big – spending with rigour of defecit-cutting programmes appropriate. Here’s what Bush said a network television audience nationwide January 23, 1968:
« The nation faces this year just as it took a huge deficit in the federal budget, but in the message of the President, is there any sense of sacrifice on the part of the Government, any allocation of priorities, without the slightest trace of the need to put first things first. And this irresponsible policy has imposed cruel tax of rising prices on the people, pushed interest rates to their highest levels in 100 years, strongly reduced the rate of real economic growth and saddled every man and woman and child in America with the tax burden more important in our history.
« And says the President? He said that we have to pay more taxes and proposes drastic restrictions on the rights of Americans to invest and to travel abroad. « If the President wants to control inflation, he got to cut back on federal spending and the best way, the best way to stop the drain or is to live within our means in this country ». [fn 11]
Those who want to read from the lips of Bush at a distance at that time found that he was indeed engaged in a kind of austerity. In May 1968, with Johnson already a lame duck, the ways and means Committee approved what has been dubbed on Capitol Hill package of control charged ’10-8-4. This mandate a tax increase of $10 billion a year, coupled with a $4 billion cut in spending. Bush has joined with four Republican means (the others were Conable Schneebeli and skip Battin) to approve this measure. [fn 12]
But the main purpose of the activity of Bush during his term in the House of representatives is centered on a project that was much more sinister and deeper than the simple imposition of austerity budget, destructive that the application was at the time. With a will informed by ideas of the population, the race and economic development that we have seen in the circles of Prescott Bush at Brown Brothers Harriman, George Bush would become a protagonist of a series of institutional changes, which would contribute to the overall degradation of the cultural paradigm of Western civilization that was emerging at the end of the 1960s.
The backdrop for this transformation in the cultural matrix of the the North America, Western Europe and the rest of the world has been the end of the economic boom world war which had begun at the end of the 1940s. The expansion of the U.S. economy is exhausted at the time of the recession of 1958, although it had been restored to some extent by the impetus given to the space program by the Kennedy Administration. But before even that the Apollo astronauts had reached the Moon, NASA was trying to be emptied by accounting cost of the Johnson regime. American capital structures have been supported in the years sixty on the basis of a series of investments in Western Europe, but recessions Italian and German federal of 1964 and 1966 were the signal that the boom of the post-war reconstruction was over. In the fall of 1967, a few months after Bush had entered Congress, the terminal agony of the pound sterling as reserve currency had seized trading currency world. In the spring of 1968, the crisis of the gold and the dollar would bring the monetary system of the world on the edge of a panic collapse. The world began to experience the first paroxysms of this collapse of the monetary system of Bretton Woods, 1944 which will become official on 15 August 1971, when Nixon could announce the end of the convertibility of the dollar into gold and also proclaim « Phase One » of a wage and price freeze austerity for American labor market at Camp David. [fn 13]
To understand the actions of Bush over these years, we understand the reactions very subjective and ideologisees of the oligarchy of the Anglo-American finance at these events. As we have seen in the mentality of Averell Harriman and Prescott Bush, the elite financial Anglo-American is fundamentally hostile to the industrial and technological development modern and modern urban life on a large scale. The hopes of the Anglo-American elite for the postwar world were expressed in the Morgenthau Plan for the destruction of the German economy and the depopulation of the Central Europe. These plans proved to be untenable in the light of the Soviet threat in Europe, and the oligarchy was forced to accept a recovery European post-war which was very lucrative for Wall Street, brutally austere for the Germans, and that has kept the Soviets in the Bay for the duration of the cold war. But even in the context of the postwar boom, the Malthusian provision of oligarchy remained, as expressed in the pillage accelerated the colonial former sector, the greed of the oil cartel and the sabotage of industrial expansion and infrastructure inside the United States to the extent that the traffic would bear. As the boom of the post-war period has shown increased signs of exhaustion at the end of the 1960s, the oligarchic elite felt that the time had come to assert the Malthusian impulse more aggressively.
For the Anglo-American finance oligarchs, the main problems of the world then as today could be summarised under the headings of overcrowding, especially among non-white ethnic groups of the planet and industrial pollution. Remedies were then as now, to seek to limit the growth of the population, or better yet to reduce the existing population to the extent possible, while at the same time stop indsutry. In this way the oligarchs has sought to return to their world of bucolic and medieval dream and in particular a mass degraded and servile psychology pleasant oligarchic forms of domination. Oligarchs like Bush are well aware that there are only two ways of organizing human affairs, namely the Republicans and oligarchic modes. Republican mode depends on the presence of citizens – well educated, mature, focused on technology and the brave people who are willing to think for themselves. Oligarchic forms work better in the presence of a pessimist on the plan cultural, hedonistic, supersititious mass of passive witnesses on the places of passage.
Thus, during the late 1960s, financial in London and their counterparts made Wall Street Foundation abundant available funding for projects such as the revolution Triple, which proposed the now-completed transition from a society of productive in a post-industrial society and the Foundation of the Club of Rome with its absurd 1968 « limits to growth » hoax a few years later, the lighthouse international for the Malthusian Renaissance. What the oligarchy had in mind was not just a minor spirit of time change: the greening of the Western cultural paradigm mandated the rapid erosion tame and imperatives to dominate nature contained in the first book of Genesis, the demolition of the beliefs in education, science and the progress which had animated the philosophy and the nation building of St. Augustine , Charlemagne, the Italian Renaissance, Leibnitz, Franklin and the American revolution.
The implementation of this intention on the Homefront dictated the dismantling of a political structure focused on riding that assumes that the objective of the Government was to manage the economic and equitable development to distribute the fruits of material and cultural progress. This had to be replaced by an authoritarian and totalitarian regime whose main function was the imposition of austerity and sacrifice. Malthusianism at home has also generated problems abroad, whereby the Kissinger NSC and the Department of State Kissinger should be particularly sensitive. Although the Malthusian oligarchy has sought to deny that the industry and population growth represented real power, they took care of slow population and industrial growth abroad, using various hollow pretexts. Alexander King, with Aurelio Peccei one of the founders of the Club of Rome, once admitted that the real purpose of his institution was to block the expanding population of non-white peoples of the world. Prescott Bush and George Bush, the depopulation of the third world, the genocide of non-white populations, has been and is a life-long and your obsession.
By definition, a racist as Bush could offer, the white race, or more precisely of the Anglo-Saxon race, is a small minority of the decline of humanity. Nevertheless, compulsive imperative of the London – New York financial is their commitment to the Anglo-Saxon domination of the planet. This means that in view of financial, non-whites and non-Anglo-Saxons must be prevented from multiplying inside the Imperial homeland and decimated if possible, to avoid financial rule Billboard of. Outside the borders of the United States, prescribed Anglo-American elites war, famine and plague to cut a bloody strip across the Brown, black, red and yellow races to reduce their military and economic potential. If possible, in the opinion of the oligarchs, people non-white areas of big oil and other raw materials strategic wealth should be wiped out completely so that these areas can be recolonized by the race of the Anglo-Saxon masters, who will appreciate the use of the material first in the future. These are the points in which we see George Bush in action during his years in Congress.
The economy of Malthus, the Club of Rome and Yale George Bush Economist inexorably to world depression and a crisis economic breakdown so severe as to put the prospects of the civilization of the world itself in the gravest danger. Bush’s most fanatically held beliefs about the superiority of the Anglo-Saxon race are also under bankruptcy and grotseque. Human beings humans have no racial genetic identity. Human beings humans belong to cultures, which are learned that the children are raised in the House and made his studies at the school, but have nothing to do with heredity or blood, the American experience itself in its best moments in the most impressive documents. Indeed, there is no such thing as a race or race of humans as these categories exist in dogs and horses. Among these animals, race or race sets a fixed repertoire of behavior and reaction, a fixed insanity which excludes most of the amendments that education can bring. Among human beings, it is just the opposite: any child of any color or ethnic Effect, if it is placed as a child in a family of a different colour and language, will be consistently adapted in the civilization of the new family. This reflects the universality of the human personality beyond any distinction as to race, colour, religion, culture and nationality and proves the thesis of the declaration of independence that all men are created equal. The universality of Apostolic Christianity as a world religion seeking to reach out to all ethnic groups on the planet without exception expressed in the idea that each concrete human individual is very practically the living image of God, and no difference in color or « race » can change that in the slightest.
Oligarchic thought rejects this. Oligarchs have always been obsessed by justifying them and perpetuate the domination irrational and destructive of a feudal aristocracy, usually in the form of a nobility acting through usurious banking practices, secret intelligence agencies and militarism, at the expense of the status of humanity. If the human personality is in fact universal, then there is no such thing as a herditary aristocracy, and the concept of the oligarchy itself is in big trouble. But the feudal aristocrats, breeding horses and dogs as symbols of their status, are often stupid enough to think that they have become authorities on human genetics.
There is also a reason why elite American like the Harrimans and the bushes became these fanatics for reduction of eugenics and the population. This has to do with the situation of these families as virtual upstarts managed within the hierarchy of the Anglo-American. In order to have commands in the oligarchy, it is necessary to have a patent of nobility dating back at least a century or two, with four to five hundred years being preferable. This puts such as Harriman and Bush families in a frenzy of the virtual state. When W. Averell Harriman was a child, president Theodore Roosevelt publicly attacked his father, E.J. Harriman rail manufacturer, as a robber baron and a public threat to the country. Associated with W. Averell Harriman to the State Department once told his impression that the younger Harriman and indeed the rest of his family had never overcome the colossal humiliation of this incident. This interesting fact highlights the tireless efforts of the mother of Averell buy family status and respectability by funding eugenics research to study the criminal tendencies of these incorrigible lower orders and persons with mental disabilities. The Harrimans implicitly were a race apart. It also helped to explain what described associate history lifetime Averell as a compulsive liar whenever a situation which has emerged in which it could improve its image at the expense of others by lying.
Although perhaps impressive by U.S. standards, pedigree of George Bush displayed his own considered serious when weaknesses in the framework of the Atlantic crossing an Anglo-American oligarchy of the 20th century, and this undoubtedly gave additional fanaticism to fanatic pursuit of George of racial purity in the corridors of Congress.
In 1969 Bush told the House of representatives which, unless the threat of human population growth have been « recognized and made manageable, famine, plague and war will solve it for us. » Bush compared several times of growth of the population to a disease. [9A] In a speech to the House July 30, 1969, he compared the fight against the polio virus in the crusade to reduce the world’s population. Urging the federal Government to intensify efforts to control the population, he said: « we have a clear precedent: when the Salk vaccine was discovered, large-scale programmes were undertaken to distribute it. » « I do not see why similar education programmes and family planning assistance should not be carried out in the United States on a massive range. »
As Jessica Mathews, Vice President of one of the outfits of zero growth most influential of Washington, the World Resources Institute, wrote later of Bush in those years: « in the 1960s and 1970s, Bush had not only embraced the cause of national and international family planning, it had sought actively to its champion… ». As a member of the Ways and Means Committee, Rep. Bush spearheaded the first major breakthrough in the national legislation of family planning in 1967, « and » later co-author of the law, known as title X, who created the first federal family planning program… »
« On the international level, » Mathews wrote, Bush « has recommended that American support, the Fund of United Nations population… He urged, in the more strong words, American and European countries to communicate modern contraceptives « large scale », to all those around the world who wanted to.
Bush belonged to a small group of members of Congress who have conspired successfully to force a profound change in attitude official American and policy towards the expansion of the population. Embracing the ideology ‘limits to growth’ with a vengeance, Bush and his coterie, which included these ultra-liberal Democrats and Senator Walter Mondale (Minnesota) and Rep. James Scheuer (New York), worked to enact legislation that institutionalizes the control of the national of the United States and the foreign population.
Bush began his Malthusian activism in the House in 1968, which was the year when Pope Paul VI issued his which « Humanae Vitae », which contained a prophetic warning of the danger of coercion by Governments for the purpose of population control. The Pope wrote: « let it be also considered that a dangerous weapon would be placed in the hands of those public authorities that no attention to moral requirements… ». « Who will stop promoting leaders, similarly imposing on their people, the contraceptive method that they deemed most effective? » For the poorest countries with a high rate of the population, the Encyclical has identified the only rational and humane policy: « no solution to these difficulties is acceptable which does violence to the essential dignity of human… The only possible solution… is one that considers economic and social progress of individuals and of the whole of human society… »
It was a direct challenge to the transformation of the cultural paradigm, which Bush and other representatives of the oligarchic world prospects were promoting. Not for the first time, nor the last time, Bush issued a direct attack against the Holy See. Just days after Humanae Vitae was issued, Bush said: « I decided to give my strong support for population control both in the United States and the world. He also lambasted the Pope. « For those of us who feel so strongly on this issue, the recent which was more discouraging..
During his four years in Congress, Bush has not only introduced major legislative acts to enforce the control of the population both at home and abroad. He also continuously introduced into the reams of debate of the Congress of propaganda on the threat of population growth and the inferiority of blacks, and it has set up a Republican task force that functioned as a forum for the fiercest Malthusian ideologues.
An activist of the population control « Bush was really at the front on the issue of population, » said recently of this period of 1967-71. « He said things that even we were reluctant to speak publicly.
Public advocacy open Bush of governmental measures tending towards zero population growth has been a radical change in integrated policies of the federal bureaucracy up until there. The climate of opinion to a few years earlier, in December 1959, is illustrated by the comments of President Eisenhower, who said, ‘the birth control is not our business. « I can’t imagine anything more categorically a topic that is not a political or governmental activity adequate… or responsibility. »
A member of Congress, Bush has played a crucial role in this evolution. Shortly after his arrival in Washington, he teamed with fellow Republican Herman Schneebeli to offer a series of amendments to the law of social security the priority focus on what was called euphemistically « family planning services. The avowed aim was to reduce the number of children born to women on welfare.
Bush and Schneebeli changes reflect the views of Malthusian-genocidalist Dr. Alan Guttmacher, then President of the planning family and protected from its founder, Margaret Sanger. In the years before the appalling outcome of the cult of science of race and Nazi eugenics had prevented public advocacy of the ‘gene pool’, Sanger had demanded the weeding of the « unfit » and the « lower races » and had campaigned vigorously for the sterilization, infanticide and abortion, on behalf of the « race betterment. »
Although family planning was forced during the Fascist era and immediately after to moderate racist of Sanger’s ‘race improvement’ to ‘family planning’ for the benefit of the poor and blacks, the fundamental purpose of the Organization to reduce the rate of population growth among the « undesirable » never really changed. Bush has publicly stated that he accepted « 1 000 percent » for family planning
Hearings on changes to social security, Bush and witness Alan Guttmacher had the following Symposium: Bush: Y at – it [any opposition to Planned Parenthood] any other agencies or groups, civil rights groups?
Guttmacher: We have problems. We are in a sensitive area in particular as regards the blacks. There are some elements in the Group Negro who feel that we try to keep low thenumbers. We are very sensitive to this. We have a community relations service headed by Negro social worker more capable of trying to manage this part of the problem. Of course, this causes a good bit of concern.
Bush: I understand. For the record, I would like to say that I am 1 000% agree with the objectives of your organization. I think that perhaps more than any other type of organization, you can do more in the field of poverty and mental health and everything that any other group I can think of. I congratulate you.
Guttmacher [for Bush]: I can choose you as a public speaker?
Like his father before him, Bush has supported family planning at every opportunity. Each time, he rose on the floor of the House make the praise of the work of family planning. In 1967, Bush called for « having government agencies to work more closely with private organizations such as family planning happens. » A year later, he invited those interested to « advance the cause of family planning, » for « call your local Planned Parenthood Center » to offer « assistance and support. »
Bush-Schneebeli changes were intended to reduce the number of children born to blacks and poor whites. The necessary legislation to all recipients of social assistance, including the mothers of young children, looking for work and prohibits increases in federal aid to the States where the proportion of children dependent on social assistance has increased.
Reduce the welfare rolls has been a primary concern of Bush. He often motivated his crusade of control of the population barely veiled calls to Willie Horton-style racism. Talk about the rise in welfare rolls in a July 1968 release, Bush lamented that « our national welfare costs are phenomenal rise. » Worse, he warned, there were far too many children being born to welfare mothers: « the part of growths of the relief rolls everywhere is an aid for children dependant – AFDC. The end of 1968, just over $2 billion will be spent on AFDC, but in 1972 tax, this will increase by more than 75 per cent. »
Bush stressed that more children are born in poor families non-white than white so. Black must recognize, he said, « that they cannot hope to acquire a larger share of American prosperity without reducing birth… »
Forcing mothers on welfare to work was considered as an effective way to reduce the number of births in black, and Bush has sponsored a number of measures designed to do exactly this. In 1970, he helped lead the fight on the Hill for the welfare sadly famous Bill President Nixon, family assistance program, called FAP. Advertised as a boon to the poor because it provided a floor for revenues, the measure called each recipient welfare employable, except among mothers of children under the age of six years, to take a job. Soon, this became known as the Nixon « workfare » slave-labor Bill. Monetarist economic austerity theorists were quick to see that the work forced by social assistance recipients could be used to break the unions at there where they existed, while reducing wages and a worsening of the working conditions for the workforce. Welfare recipients could even be hired as strikebreakers in replacement of paid workers by the normal salary scales. These workers, after what they had been fired, ending poor and on welfare could then be forced to take compulsory labour for still lower wages than those who had been on welfare at the beginning of the process. It was called ‘recycling ‘.
Critics of workfare Bill Nixon stressed that he found no minimum standards regarding the types of jobs or the level of wages, which could be imposed on recipients of social assistance, and that it contradicts the original purpose of social aid, which was to allow mothers to stay home with their children. In addition, it would set up a pool of virtual-slaves, which could be used to replace workers earning higher wages.
But Bush thought that these severe measures have been exactly what as the explosion of the welfare rolls requested. « During the debate of the House on the measure April 15, 1970, Bush said he favored FAP because it would force the lazy to work: »the family assistance plan… is work-oriented, »he said. » Current federal-State welfare system encourages laziness in making it more profitable to be on welfare to work and does not provide any method by which the State may limit the number of individuals added to rolls. »
Bush had only « a major concern is that incentives working arrangements will not be applied… it is essential that the program administered as visualized by the Commission of the tract and medium; » namely, if an individual does not, he will receive no funds. » Putter of the salaries of the Manchester school as expounded by George Bush, self – styled expert in the dismal science…
In 1967, Bush joined the REP James Scheuer (D – N. Y.), to successfully sponsor legislation that removed the prohibition on sending and import of contraceptive devices. More than open the door to French manufactured condoms, objective of Bush here was an ideological success sort of scandal. The growth lobby zero this considered a major breakthrough in the manufacture of paraphernalia for the control of the national population accessible.
In rapid succession, Bush introduced legislation to create a National Centre of the Population and family planning and social protection and became the Ministry of the Interior to the Department of resources, environment and Population.
On the foreign policy front, he helped to pass foreign U.S. aid away from finance development projects dealing with the problem of hunger in the world, for the control of the population of subscription. « I propose that completely reorganise us our program of foreign aid to attach primary importance to the control of the population », he said in the summer 1968, adding: « in my opinion, we have made a mistake in our foreign assistance focusing on the construction of huge steel mills and plants in the underdeveloped nations of concrete… ». »
One of the most important initiatives of Bush on the inside was its finance one of family planning Services and Population Research Act of 1970, the brainchild of Senator Joseph Tydings of Maryland. Signed into law by President Nixon on 24 December 1970, Bill Tydings-Bush has significantly increased federal financial commitment to population control, allowing an initial $382 million for family planning services, search for population, education of the population and information through 1973. Much of this money has been channelled into private institutions, local clinics especially managed by beloved Bush planned parenthood. Measurement of Tydings-Bush instructed the infamous title X, which provided explicitly ‘ planning family assistance « to the poor. Bush and his cronies of growth zero has talked constantly about the importance of the dissemination of birth for the poor control. They argued that there were more than 5 million poor women who wanted to limit births, but could not afford to do so.
On October 23, 1969, Bush praised the Office of Economic Opportunity to carry out some « most successful » family planning projects and said that he was « pleased »that the Nixon administration « gives their extra financial muscle by increasing their funding 50% – of $ 15 million to $ 22 million. »
This increased effort he attributed to « objective of the Nixon administration to achieve in the next five years the 5 million women who need these services » – all the poor, including many from racial or ethnic minorities. He added: « need only quickly look at the report prepared by the Research Department of Planned Parenthood-World Population to see the federal State, how ineffective, and local governments have been to provide these necessary services. » There is certainly nothing new to the fact that our poor non pregnancies and almost poor women keep the incidence of infant mortality and mental retardation in America to one of the highest levels of all developed countries. »
Rates of infant mortality and mental retardation Bush was so concerned, could be significantly reduced, had the Government has provided adequate funding for prenatal care, nutrition and other factors that contribute to the health of infants and children. On the same day he signed Bill Tydings-Bush, Nixon vetoed – with the support of Bush – Bill that would have implemented a program of $225 million over three years to train family physicians.
Bush seemed to be convinced that mental retardation, in particular, was a matter of heredity. The eugenicists of the 1920s had spun their theories pseudoscientific autour « hereditary weak of mind » and stated that « the Jukes and Kallikaks » reproducing successive generations of « stupid » has cost New York State of tens of millions of dollars over the past decades. But what about learning as dyslexia, disorders, which has been known to touch the oligarchic families that Bush would consider rich, well educated and capable? Nelson Rockefeller, a friend of Bush Nick Brady and son of own Bush Neal suffered from dyslexia, a reading disorder. But these oligarchs are not likely to be a victim of involuntary sterilization as « mental defectives » that they want to impose those what they term sentience.
In the introduction to the House version of the Bill Tydings on behalf of himself and Bush, Rép James Scheuer (D – N. Y.) tempete than superfluous bourgeois women « have been limiting the number of descendants of the years… women from low-income families » is not. « If poverty and the size of the family are so closely connected that asking, » why do poor women stop having babies?’ « » Bill Tydings-Bush took a giant step towards forcing him to do so.
Among the most important contributions of Bush to the cause of Malthusian while in Congress was his role in the Republican Task Force on resources of the Earth and the Population. The task force, who helped found and then Bush chaired, churned out a steady stream of propaganda claiming that the world was already seriously overcrowded; There is a limit to natural resources and that this limit has been quickly been reached; and that environmental and natural species were sacrificed to human progress. Bush working group has sought to give credence to the idea that the human race has been « bred down » or reduced qualitys genetic growth of population among blacks and other races not white and therefore would have been lower at a time when the Anglo – Saxons were hardly able to prevent their numbers shrink.
Composed of more than 20 members of the Republican Congress, Bush Task Force was a kind of organisation Malthusian avant-garde who heard the testimony of assorted « scientific race, sponsored by the legislation and propaganda also zero growth prospects. In its 50 hearings over the years, the task force has provided a public forum for almost all known fanatical growth zero, Paul Ehrlich, the founder of zero population growth (ZPG), race scientist William Shockley at the main zero growth lawyers who infest the federal bureaucracy.
Giving a prestigious Congress platform to a racist quack discredited as William Shockley in the year after the assassination of Pastor Martin Luther King is pointing up the arrogance of Bush commitment to eugenics. Shockley as his thinker co Arthur Jensen had fury in the 1960s by advancing his thesis, already repeatedly denied, that blacks were genetically inferior to whites in intelligence and cognitive faculties. The same year where Bush has invited to appear before the GOP working group, Shockley had written: « our nobly planned welfare programs can be encouraging dysgenics – regressive evolution by disproportionate reproduction of genetically disadvantaged… We fear that ‘ stupid beliefs ‘ to power money from welfare, without the help of eugenic foresight, can contribute to a decrease in the human quality to all segments of society. »
To stop what he considered as pervasive down the improvement of the quality of the gene pool US, Shockley has advocated a program of massive sterilization of the unfit and mentally defective that he called his « pattern of sterilization of Bonus ». Money to be sterilized allow bonuses would be paid to anyone not paying income tax that have genetic disabilities or chronic diseases such as diabetes or epilepsy, or which could be shown to be a drug addict. « If [the Government paid] a premium of $1 000 for each rate is less than 100 IQ, $30 000 in trust for certain potential IQ 70 20 – child moron, it can return to $250 000 for taxpayers at reduced cost care of mental retardation, »Shockley said.
The particular target of prescriptions of Shockley for mass sterilizations were black, that he considered the breeding too quickly. « If these Blacks with fewer genes of the white race are in fact the most prolific and least intelligent, then genetic enslavement will be the fate of their next generation, » he wrote. Looking at the recent past, Shockley said in 1967: « the lesson of the Nazi history is the value of freedom of expression, not that eugenics is intolerable. »
As Paul Ehrlich, his son programme program of genocide included a call to he U.S. Government to prepare « the addition of… mass sterilization agents ‘ U.S. food and water supply and a ‘difficult foreign policy’ including the dismissal of food aid United Nations hunger. So radical that Ehrlich might have looked like then, this last point has become a staple of foreign policy under the Bush Administration.
On July 24, 1969, the Working Group heard from general William Draper, national, then Chairman of the Committee on crisis of Population and a close friend of Bush’s father, Prescott. « According to Bush’ resume the testimony of his friend of the family, Draper has warned that the population explosion was like a »rising tide »and said that »our efforts to the right individual will become a scourge for the community if we use our God-given the power of brain to bring a balance between the birth rate and the mortality rate ». Draper took to the Church, charging that his opposition to contraception and sterilization has been frustrating to population-control efforts in Latin America.
A week later, Bush invited Oscar Harkavy, head of the Ford Foundation population program, to testify. To summarize the remarks of Harkavy for the Congressional Record August 4, Bush said: « the population explosion is commonly recognized as one of the most serious problems facing the nation and the world. M. Harkavy has suggested, therefore, that we are more adequately funding demographic research. It seems inconsistent that the cancer research fund total $250 million per year, more than eight times the amount spent looking for the reproductive biology. »
In the reports on the testimony of Dr. William McElroy of the National Science Foundation, Bush stressed that « one of the crises that the world will face due to current population growth rate is that, assuming that the world population increases by 2% per year, the urban population will increase by 6% and ghetto population will increase by 12 per cent. »
In February 1969, Bush and other laws proposed by members to establish a Joint Committee on Population and family planning, which, said Bush, select « seek to draw national attention to national and foreign needs in FP.' » We have the population and family planning of the words, « Bush told his colleagues in the House. « We take sensationalism out of this topic so that it is no longer can be used by militants who have no knowledge of the voluntary nature of the programme, but, rather, use it as a springboard. » « A thorough investigation into the birth control and a collection of data that would give Congress the criteria to determine the effectiveness of its programs must come quickly to stave off the number of future mouths that feed an ever – decreasing the proportion of food, » Bush continued. « We need special attention on this critical problem… we need a massive program to Congress with hearings to focus on problems and affected credits to do something. » We need massive cooperation from the White House as we have never had before and we need a decision by the Executive branch that these funds will be spent as intended. »
August 6, 1969, working for the Bush GOP Group introduced a Bill to create a Commission on Population and the American future that, Bush said, « the leaders of this country correctly establish the criteria that can serve as the basis for a national population policy. » The move came in response to the call of President Nixon from July 18 to create a Committee of experts to develop a policy of the U.S. population. Bush triumphed during this evolution, after repeatedly asking such a measure at different points in the previous years. On 21 July, he made a statement on the floor of the House to « congratulate » for its action. « We know now, » he intoned, « the fantastic rhythm of population growth we have witnessed these past 20 years continues with no letup in sight. » If this growth rate is not checked now – the next decade – we face a danger that is as helpless as a nuclear war. »
Led by John D. Rockefeller III, the Council represented a radical crisis, approved by the Government on the human life. Its final report, published in 1972, said that « ‘ the time has come to challenge the tradition that population growth is desirable: what was unintentional may is to reveal not desired, in society as in the family. » » Not only do you have the commission demand an end to population growth and economic progress, he also attacked the foundations of Western civilization by insisting that the human reason had become a major obstacle to a righteous life. « Urban mass industrialism depends on science and technology, efficiency, acquisition and domination through rationality, » raved the report of the commission. « The exercise of these same values now contain the risk of destruction of our humanity. Man loses this balance with nature which is an essential condition of human existence. »
The commission’s main conclusion was that « there is no substantial benefits to gain from continued population growth », President Rockefeller explained to the appropriations Committee. The commission has made a series of recommendations aimed at curbing the expansion of population and economic growth. They included: liberalization of laws restricting abortion and sterilization; have government funding abortions; and the mode of control of births to adolescents. The commission had a profound impact on the American attitude toward the issue of population and helped accelerate the plunge into genocide pure and simple. In 1975, Director Executive Commission Charles Westoff wrote that the group «represents a major effort by a developed country to develop a national population policy – the central idea which was to slow growth to maximize the ‘quality of life.» The collapse of the traditional form-based on the family of the company during the 1970s and the 1990s has been a consequence of these recommendations. It is also widely recognized that the Bush fought so long and so hard to create commission fell down the last barriers to abortion legalized on request. Indeed, just a year after the commission’s final report was published, the supreme Court delivered the Roe v. Wade decision which does just that.
Aware that many blacks and other minorities had noticed that the population control movement was a program of genocide to reduce their number, the commission made its best to cover its real intent by stating that all the races down their birth rates. But the racial animus of their conclusions could not be hidden. Executive Commssion Westoff, who owed his work and its funding Bush gave a hint of this in a book written in 1966, before joining the staff of the commission, which had the right now to zero, and in which he deplored the fact that the black fertility rate was much higher than the white.
The movement’s control of the population or zero population growth which has increased rapidly in the 1960s through exposure of the freedom of the press and the Foundation grants for a flood of pseudo-scientific propaganda concerning the alleged « population bomb » and the « limits to growth, » was a continuation of the pre-war protofascist old eugenics, who had been forced to go into an eclipse temporary when the world drew back in horror at the atrocities committed by the Nazis on behalf of eugenics. By the mid-1960s, the same old nuts eugenic themselves had risen as the environmental movement and population control. Family planning was a transmogrification perfet example. Now, instead of requiring the inferior races, the newly packaged eugenic sterilization spoke of the population bomb and give to the poor ‘equal access’ birth contol and « freedom of choice. » But nothing has changed on the merits – including the use of coercion. While Bush and other advocates of government programs ‘family planning’, insisted that it was strictly voluntary, the reality is quite different. By the mid-1970s, the number of involuntary sterilizations carried out by programs that Bush has helped raise, had reached enormous proportions. In the black and minority communities, where most sterilizations were performed, protests arose that culminated in a federal lawsuit that a lawsuit has been filed.
In its decision of 1974 on this costume, federal District Judge Gerhard Gesell found that « over the past years, an estimated 100 000 to 150 000 low-income people were sterilized each year through programs funded by the Federal Government. » Although the Congress has been insistent than family planning all programs function on a purely voluntary basis, « judge Gesell wrote, ‘ there is the uncontested evidence… that an indefinite number of poor people were improperly forced to accept an operation of sterilization under the threat that various supports federal social assistance benefits would be withdrawn unless they submitted to the irreversible sterility. ‘ » Gesell concluded from the evidence that the « dividing between family planning and eugenics is murky.
As we have seen, George Bush has inherited his obsession with population control and racial « down breeding » of his father, Prescott, who has resolutely supported for family planning which dates back at least to the 1940s. In fact, affiliation of Prescott with organization of Margaret Sanger cost him the Senate race in 1950, a defeat, his son has always blamed on the Catholic Church, and which is at the origin of the ongoing vendetta of George against the papacy.
Defeat of 1950’s Prescott still assomant, as evidenced by the extraordinary gesture of Bush referring to it during the testimony he gave on the other side of the Capitol Hill before the Senator Gruening of the Government Operations Committee of the Senate Subcommittee on November 2, 1967. Vengeful tirade of Bush is useful to cite in detail:
« I get the slaughter is a little less old fashioned to be in favor of birth control and planned parenthood today it did used to be. If you will excuse a personal reference here: my father, when he ran for the Senate of the United States in 1950, was defeated by 600 or 700 votes. The markets of several Roman Catholic churches in Connecticut, the Sunday before the election, people were there passing brochures saying: ‘listen what this commentator has to say tonight. Listen to what this commentator has to say. ‘ This evening on radio commentator came and said, « of interest to voters in Connecticut, Prescott Bush was head of the League of planned parenthood birth control, » or something like that. Well, he lost by about 600 votes and there are some Americans who feel that this had something to do with it. I don’t think anyone can get away with this type of thing more. »
The Harriman family has sponsored the creation of eugenics in the United States, which has done successfully campaign for the sterilization of mass of « morons » and « racially inferior » during the 1920s – more later copied practices, not its origin, by the Nazis. As part of this campaign, the Harrimans helped organize a series of international conferences of eugenics. In the 1932, Conference, held at the Museum of natural history in New York, the guest of honour was none other than Dr. Ernst Rudin, the head of the German society for racial hygiene, which, a few years later, have written Nazi laws against miscegenation te Jews, Gypsies and Slavs.
Among Americans who knew Rudin at the Conference of 1932 was general William Draper, a New York investment banker and personal friend of Prescott Bush, who became one of the most influential crossed to nearby radical population control measures. He has campaigned tirelessly for zero population growth and welcomed the Chinese Communists for their « innovative » methods to achieve this goal. The most influential taken Draper is the crisis of Population (CCP) Committee – Fund Draper, created in 1965 by Hugh Moore, who had taken over the human enhancement Association, a leader held of eugenics, in 1937, renaming the Association for voluntary sterilization.
In 1967-1968, an offshoot of the Fund PCC-Draper, the campaign to control the population Explosion, led a nationwide advertising campaign a cinema of the fraud of the demographic explosion and attack those – including at the Vatican – who stood in the radical way control of the population.
In a 1971 article, Draper likened in developing nations to ‘animal reserve,’ where, when animals become too numerous, the park rangers ‘ arbitrarily reduce a species other than necessary to preserve environmentally balanced for all other animals. « But who will store it Park for the human race?, » he asked. « Who will bring down the surplus in this country or that country when the pressure of too many people and too few resources increases beyond endurance? The horsemen of the Apocalypse – war in its modern nuclear dress, deadly hunger haunts the half of the human race and disease – will be the riders décharnées and threatening become Park Ranger for two-legged animal called man? »
Draper has worked closely with George Bush over career in Congress its. As noted above, Bush invited Draper to testify to his team of experts on the resources of the Earth and the Population; reportedly, Draper has contributed to the Bush-Tydings project.
Bush felt an affinity overwhleming for the image of the man reflected in the States of delirium Draper bestial and degraded. In September 1969, Bush gave a glowing tribute to Draper which was published in the Congressional Record cf1 cf2 . « I would like to pay tribute to a great American, » said Bush. « I’m quite aware of important leaders that the general Draper has performed around the world to assist Governments in their efforts to resolve the great problems of rapid population growth. Anyone else during the past five years showed more initiative in the creation of awareness of the leaders of the world to recognize the economic consequences of the explosion of the population. »
In a 1973 publication, Bush praised the CPC itself for playing a « major role in helping government policy-makers and to mobilize the response of the United States for the challenge of the population of the world… » The CCP does cache some his admiration for Bush; many articles highlighting the role of Bush in the campaign of the Congress control of the population starring its newsletters from the late 1970s and in the early 1960s. In a report of 1979 assessing the history of the action of the Congress on the control of the population, the Fund PCC/Draper placed Bush squarely with the « remarkable activists, » on the issues of population control and praised him for « offering all the major recommendations or controversial » in this arena who came before Congress in the 1960s.
Son of Draper, William III, conducted with enthusiasm to her genocidal father’s legacy – often with the help of Bush. In 1980, Draper, enthusiastic support of the report of the directors Carter notorious cf2 Global 2000 cf1 , served as national president of the Bush Presidential Campaign Finance Committee; in 1981, Bush convinced Reagan to appoint Draper had the U.S. Export – Import Bank. At the time, a collaborator of Draper, Sharon Camp, reveals that Draper intended to reorient the functions of the Bank to focus on population control projects.
In 1987, again commissioned by Bush, Draper was appointed by Reagan as administrator of the program for development of the United Nations, which works in addition to the World Bank and pushed historically reduction of the population among the nations of the third world. In late January 1991, Draper gave a speech at a conference in Washington, in which he stated that the core of ‘new world order’ Bush should be the reduction of the population.
Bush did not hesitate to present themes of backlash against blacks in other parts of his political repertoire. Following the assassination of Pastor Martin Luther King in April 1968, large scale riots and looting broke out in Washington and other cities. Bush was quick to introduce a Bill which as much as any person convicted offence Act during civil unrest would now be prohibited to maintain or obtain employment with the federal Government. Bush said that during the Washington riot that followed the assassination of the King, first suspects 119 riot brought before the courts, 10% said that having worked for the federal Government. [fn 15]
Autobiography of Bush campaign and campaign adulatory biography and authorized by Fitzhugh Green make almost no mention of these activities of the Congress in the service of racism, Malthusianism and depopulation. Bush and his image-merchants prefer instead to focus on the heroic struggle of the Congress against racism, as expressed in April, 1968 in the district of Bush opposition against the Bill which would later become the Fair Housing Act of 1968. This Bill contained provisions « open the box » prohibiting discrimination in the sale, rental or financing of housing on the basis of race, color, religion, sex or national origin. Bush has decided to vote for the Bill. « Letters from the district were massively against the Bill. After that I voted for him, the mail is heavier. And uglier, »he wrote later. « The threats aimed not only against me but against members of my staff. »
As Bush tells it, he decided to face his critics at a rally being held in the Memorial-West of his constituency section. « The place was jammed. Judging by the boos and whistles when I was introduced, it was also boiling. « The tone was set by another speaker on the program, which had predicted that the open Housing Bill » will lead to government control of private property, goal number one of the Communists ‘. »
To reduce the masses bubbling of docility, Bush began by quoting the liberal British Empire, cultural relativistm and theorist of « organic change, » Edmund Burke: « your representative owes you not only his industry, but his judgment, » Burke told.» Bush then recalled that blacks, Hispanics and other minorities risked their lives in the Viet Nam war. How could it be denied open housing? Somehow, it seems fundamental that a man should not have a door slammed in the face because he is a Negro or speaks with an accent of Latin America ». Opening the case would be a glimmer of hope for blacks and other minorities « locked out by habit and discrimination », concluded Bush. Bush said he looked the now silent faces of the audience and then turned to thank the moderator. « » It is there that the applause began, stronger, until there was a standing ovation standing. All the ugliness that had preceded them seemed to gnaw, and I felt that something special had happened. «Evoking the vision of this so-called victory in the end of the 1980s, Bush had the gall to write: « over twenty years later I have sincerely say that nothing I’ve experienced in public life, before or since, has measured up to the feeling I had when I went home tonight there.» « His courtier, mythograph Fitzhugh Green, adds: »Bush had spoken personally held values. Clearly, he had found the decent nucleus of those who had heard of him. Complaints against his vote on this issue, has slowed to a trickle. This issue was another marker on its way toward acceptance of black Americans. » [fn 16]
These accounts have nothing to do with a true historical record, but rather illustrate the blatant, Goebbels-style big lies which are shamelessly curved upward by propagandists for Bush. Accounts mythifiées this episode wish to leave a clear impression of Bush as a fighter of the 1960s civil rights conflicted with his political career, of the Bill of civil rights in 1964 to Willie Horton racist eugenics. By comparing these fantastic accounts to the reality of the everyday genocidal of Bush to the Congress, we also get the framework to assess the veracity of the public explanations of Bush for his role in Iran-contra and other scandals. Bush stands out as one of the most accomplished Liars in the highly competitive field of political postwar American.
But we will not conclude that Bush spent the entirety of his career in the Congress to the promotion of the science of the race and world depopulation. He feared also to the maintenance of constituent service. This service has taken the form of the central role of Bush in the implementation of a strategy sophisticated by the oil cartel to maintain its privileges of ground-rent tax at a rate more high which would allow the climate of public opinion. Within this strategy, Bush has worked to protect deductions for exhausted oil as the present main tax enjoyed by the cartel.
Oil depletion allowance deductions was a cancellation of 27.5% of tax for oil producers which had been introduced in 1926, allegedly to strengthen the American oil industry. The impact of an allocation of depeltion of 27.5%, is that good number of major oil companies, including some of the richest giant companies, paid a very low rate of tax on corporate income. On 10 July 1969, Congressman Bertram Podell in New York wrote an open letter to the President means House Wilbur Mills in which it stressed that, owing mainly to high depletion of oil, Gulf oil had paid an effective tax rate of only. 81% on more than 1 billion dollars in revenues in 1968, while Mobil had contributed 3.3%, and Atlantic Richfield had paid 1.2%. In his letter, Podell ironic tribute to the oil cartel « dedication passionate to old-fashioned virtues, like the greed » until the « oil industry made mafia resembles a pushcart operation » while « through our tax loopholes variety, professional fraudsters as the churn of the oil industry as panzers on foot. » [fn 17]
In 1950, president Truman had declared that no tax loophole was « so unfair » as deductions for exhaustion and cites the example of a tanker who enjoyed non-taxable income of almost $5 million thanks to this provision. Truman said that he wanted to cut 15% depletion deductions, but members of Congress are opposed to the allocation of the high depletion more later said that he had done very little to achieve this commitment. Senators of the band of Humphrey, Douglas, Williams of Delaware and other amendments to reduce the deductions for exhaustion at 15%, or restrict the 27.5% to oil producers whose income is below a certain level, but these efforts were defeated in 1951, 1954, 1958, 1962, 1964 and 1967. But in 1969, the issue was back in the form of a clamor for tax reform that the economy has deteriorated, and much public heat was concentrated on the 27.5% for the oil cartel to Rockefeller.
Member of the Congress Charles Cody of Ohio, which has been profiling itself as a leader in reforming tax, calculated that depletion of oil resulted in the loss of over $140 billion in tax revenues since the time that it was instituted.
In response to this public clamor against 27.5%, men of public relations of the oil cartel has designed a public charade developed, with deductions for exhaustion to be cut slightly to cut the public pressure and save most of the radiation. In May 1969 President Mills said that 27.5% was a ‘symbolic’ character and could be slightly reduced.
In July, means reported by a Committee measure to cut 20% depletion deductions. Member of Congress mark was happy to have something to show for his efforts: « we really have a reform bill now, » he told the press. Bush was going as well as the 20%, but has defended the principle of a substantial depletion allowance. According to Bush, « irrefutable » expert testimony had proved the need to a tax incentive for oil and gas exploration « shortages gas reserve serious in this country. » « Exhaustion », said Bush, « has become a symbol of some people and without examining the reasons for its existence or its fundamental importance for that country, some want slugs away at it. » [fn 18]
August 28, 1969 Member of Congress George Bush and Senator of Texas John Tower flew to San Clemente, to meet with President Nixon on this issue. Nixon had said during the campaign of 1968, that he favoured the allocation of 27.5%, but he was willing to play ball with the oil cartel. Nixon, Bush and tour were joined by the Secretary of the Treasury, David Kennedy, who was preparing to testify on oil taxes before Committee of Russell Senate Long of finance in San Clemente. Tower and educated Bush Nixon that the oil cartel was ready to accept a reduction of the depletion allowance, and that the Administration should simply indicate that it was ready to accept everything that Congress has approved. « According to a historian of the oil industry, » it was the first step towards the « bite ». But there was a slight stumble before the con men got their signals worked beautifully. « [fn 19]
Kennedy is confused by the figure of 20% that had been bandied about in the public debate. He said in the Senate that, although Nixon, prefer to keep the figure of 27.5%, it is also willing to go down to 20%. It was more the concession of token that the oil cartel was willing to do. On 7 October, the House passed this figure of 20% by a vote from 394 to 30, with Bush, voting for the Cup. This resulted in very little risk, as Senator Russell Long of the Committee on Finance of the Senate, itself a producer of oil through its participation in the long family winning or losing Corporation, refused to reduce the allocation of less than 23% depletion. Deputy Nixon White House adviser Harry S. Dent wrote a letter to a judge of the County of Midland (Texas), of all places, where it is said that the Secretary of the Treasury Kennedy was in error about Nixon see two alternatives, 27.5% or 20%, and that « the President shall abide the judgment of the Congress ». A collaborator of Senator Proxmire complained: « If the Committee cut the deductions for exhaustion by a modest – say 23% – it can represent a fairly low profile, as Liberals in the Senate will be sometime more difficult it cuts yet.» The 23% figure was the one who finally agreed, and the reduction of the depletion allowance so accomplished was calculated would have increased the tax bill for oil and gas companies of US inside by a whopping $175 million per year. The question had been defused, and the cartel could resume its normal activities, thanks in part to the George Bush administration.
Vote House ways and means Committee July 1969, cited above, the New York Times already has Bush as a likely Senate candidate, and touting Bush should indeed be a candidate for the Senate from Texas in 1970. The autobiography of Bush campaign, he tries to portray his decision to stand for the Senate a second time as a decision aided former president Lyndon B. Johnson. We should say, behold, already pretty bad. But in reality, the decisive incentive Fund and the promise of future progress that Bush moved once more to try the jump in the Senate came from a Richard Milhous Nixon, and the money came from the circles of Nixon’s creep.
Nixon, it will be recalled, had campaigned for Bush in 1964 and 1966 and would therefore also in 1970. During these years, the positions of Bush came to be almost perfectly aligned with the line of the imperial presidency. And, thanks in large part to the action of Brown Brothers father, Harriman networks – Prescott had been in Eisenhower White House mounting where Nixon worked in the Senate during which successive Nixon presided over – Bush became an ally of Nixon and cronyism. Bush’s Nixon connection, which the pro-Bush propaganda tends to decrease, was actually the key to the choice of career of Bush during the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Bush with Tricky Dick intimate relationships are better illustrated in close brush of Bush with the 1968 GOP Vice-Chair appointment at the Miami Congress of the same year.
Richard Nixon came to Miami before the Governor of New York Nelson Rockefeller and the Governor of California Ronald Reagan in the delegate, but just before the convention account Reagan, encouraged by his growing support, announced that it was to move from favorite son of California to the status of a candidate all-out for the presidential nomination. Reagan attempted to convince many delegations from the conservative South from Nixon to himself, since it was the purest conservative ideological and better loved in the South than the Dick Tricky new (or old). From its base in southern delegate of Nixon defense was conducted by Senator Caroline du Sud Strom Thurmond, who has kept the majority of the delegates in line, sometimes with the help of the unity. « Point of Thurmond’s reasoning with the delegates of the South was that Nixon was the best conservative they could get and still win, and that he had obtained assurances of Nixon that no intolerable Vice-Presidency South candidate would be selected, » wrote one observer of the Miami convention. [fn 20] With the conservatives in the South secured a right of veto over the second spot on the ticket, Thurmond efforts succeeded; a leader of the Caucasians of Louisiana was heard to remark: « it breaks my heart that we can not get behind a handsome man as Governor Reagan, but Mr. Nixon is worthy of our choice, and it should receive. »
These are the circumstances in which Nixon, who won the nomination on the first round of balloting, met with his advisers in the middle of the fifteenth floor of the Plaza-Hilton Miami grotesque architecture early in the morning of August 9, 1968. The way that Nixon said in his memoirs, he had already pretty much set the Governor Spiro Agnew of Maryland, reasoning that « with George Wallace during the race, I couldn’t want it sweep South. » It was essential, therefore, to win the entire rimland of southern – border States – as well as the larger States of the West and Midwest. « Accordingly, said Nixon, he let his advisers mention names without telling them that he had already decided. « The names most often mentioned by the participants were the most familiar: Romney, Reagan, John Lindsay, Percy, Mark Hatfield, John Tower, George Bush, John Volpe, Rockefeller, with only an honourable mention occasional Agnew, sometimes with Governors John Love, of Colorado and Daniel Evans of Washington. » [fn 21] Nixon also said he offered the Vice Presidency to his close friends, Robert Finch and Rogers Morton and then said to his people that he wanted to Agnew.
But this account disingenuously underestimates the nearby Bush came to the Vice-Presidency in 1968. According to a well-informed, but friendly, short biography of Bush published as he was preparing to take over from the White House, « to the convention’s GOP from 1968 that Nixon nominated to the Presidency, Bush was supposed to be on the short list of four-name for Vice President. He attributed this to the campaign of his friends, but the severity of the counterpart of Nixon was widely attested. Certainly Nixon wanted to promote Bush one way or another. « [fn 22] Theodore H. White place Bush of Nixon conservative with Tower and Howard Baker, with a separate category of Democrats and also »political eunuchs »Agnew as Governor of Massachusetts John Volpe. [fn 23] Jules Witcover because Bush had been eliminated thought that he « was too young, only a member of the House and his selection could cause problems with John Tower, » which was also an aspiring. [fn 24] The accepted wisdom is that Nixon decided not to choose Bush because, after all, it was only a one – term member of Congress. Most likely, Nixon was concerned with comparisons that could be drawn with choice of 1964 Barry Goldwater of Congress of New York Bill Miller for his running mate. Nixon feared that has it, only four years later, had to choose a member of Congress without a national profile, the hostile press would compare to Goldwater and Republican loser mark as another.
Later in August, Bush went after Nixon seaside motel to Mission Bay, California, to discuss campaign strategy. It was decided that Bush, Howard Baker, Rep. Clark MacGregor of Minnesota, and Governor Volpe would work all ‘candidates substitution, »campaign and standing for Nixon to commitments Nixon could not fill. And there was George, in a photo on the top of the first page of the New York Times of August 17, 1968, joining the other three slapping a grinning and exhilarated Nixon on the back and shake hands before they went to the rostrum.
Bush had no problem of its own with the 1968 election, since he was running unopposed – a tip for a Republican in Houston, even taking the designer gerrymandering into account. Running without opposition seems to be the idea of Bush with an ideal choice. According to the Houston Chronicle, « Bush ha [d] become so politically formidable person cared of tke him on, » which would become required reading for Gary Hart a few years later. Bush had high hopes that he could help deliver the Texas electoral votes in the Nixon column. The GOP forecasting still a war between Yarborough and Connally, but these divisions is found to be insufficient to prevent Hubert Humphrey, the Democratic candidate, to continue in Texas where he went down to defeat. As one account of 1968 he put to the vote: Texas « is a State of great and exhausting campaign, but here a particular emphasis was put on ‘alternative candidates' »: inter alia, looking on the adjustment of birth member of Congressman George Bush, fellow excellent which represented the suburbs of space-city of Houston and not opposed in his constituency – an indication of the strength of Republican technocracy in Texas. « » (Perhaps, if the technocracy is a synonym for « Plumbers ».) Win a second term had no problem; Bush was, however mightily embarrassed by his inability to deliver Texas to Tricky Dick. « » I do not know what went wrong, »Bush muttered in an interview in December. » It has been a hell of a lot of money, » »many are from the previous organizations for creep. [fn 25] As usual, Bush had a post festum theory of what had gone wrong: he he accuses black voters. In Houston, Bush has found, there were 58 000 voters, and Nixon only got 800 of them. « You might think », said Bush, « that there would be more people just come and make a mistake! » [fn 26]
When in 1974 Bush briefly appeared to be the favorite to be selected for the vice presidency by new president Gerald Ford, the Washington Post noted that although Bush made a serious offer, it had almost no qualifications for the position. This criticism applied even more in 1968: for most people, Bush was a rather obscure Texas PPS, and he had a statewide race lost before the election which he won in Congress. The fact that it made in the final round at the Miami Hilton was another tribute to the network mobilizing the power of Prescott Bush, Brown Brothers, Harriman and Skull and Bones.
The approach of the election of 1970, Nixon made an attractive offer of Bush. If Bush was willing to give up its seat of the Congress apparently safe and its place on the Ways and Means Committee, Nixon would be happy to help you to finance the Senate race. If Bush won a seat in the Senate, he is a favorite to replace Spiro Agnew in the spot of Vice-Presidency for 1972. If Bush were to lose the election, it would then be in line for an appointment to an important position in the executive branch, most likely a ministerial post. This agreement was enough of an open secret, which will be discussed in the Texas Press in the fall of 1970: at the time, the Houston Post quoted Bush in response to Washington persistent newspaper reports that Bush would replace Agnew on the ticket of 1972. Bush said this was « the piece more wildly speculative that I’ve seen in a long time. I hate wasting time talking about these wild speculations », Bush said in Austin. « I should be there shaking hands with those people who stood in the rain to support me. » [fn 27]
This time Bush has calculated that a second challenge to Yarborough would have more chance of success than his first attempt. True, 1970 was an another election year in which Democrats running against the White House of Republican Nixon would have a statistical advantage. 1970 was also the great year of the silent majority, Middle America backlash against the Viet Nam war protesters. This was to be the year where Pat Buchanan and William Safire of the Nixon White House would be arming Agnew with a series of Vulcanized zingers, a line which the vice president would then take on the road to low policy: « pusillanimous pussyfooters,’ ‘vicars of the indecision’, ‘ hypochondriacs hopeless, hysterical, » « Moguls nabobs of negativism, » « radic-libs » and « decadent snobs », so went uses it regularly Agnew they said. « . This was the year of the election of the Congress that culminated in insurrection against Nixon in San Jose, California, on October 29, 1970, when Nixon, Reagan Governor and Senator George Murphy came close to be stoned by and a mob in an incident so perfect for Nixon propaganda needs that perhaps only the most accomplished provocateurs would have carried it out. In such an atmosphere, Bush might himself veering off sharply to the rhetoric of haler, see attacking Yarborough to be colluding with obscene and violent demostrators, after approval of Yarborough’s very docile Oct., demonstrations of moratorium of 1970 against the war in Washington.
In a tour of obvious hand, Bush uses his autobiography of campaign to make it look as if it wasn’t LBJ, Nixon, who urged him to run. He tells how he was the only Republican to Andrews Air Force Base to see off LBJ after Nixon was inaugurated. He said that he had visited LBJ on his famous ranch on the Pedernales River and was led by the former President on dirt roads in Lincoln Continental of LBJ at a speed of 80 miles per hour. All a cliche, as is the scene where Bush asks LBJ that he should try ot dethrone Yarborough. Bush has LBJ response with the story that every schoolchild knew during the late 1960s, and LBJ should have told ten thousand times during his career, which was that he had served in the House and the Senate, and that « the difference between being a member of the Senate and member of the House is the difference between chicken salad chicken shit ». [fn 30] We should also remember that LBJ’s old poor in these years of decline was hated solitary, so desperate for the company which he greets with impatience even sessions analytical psychosexual Doris Kearns of the Kennedy School of Government. Of course, Bush was angling to ingratiate himself wherever he could, of course LBJ had yet a few assets that could make a difference in a race for Senate of Texas and Bush would never indifferent to the marginal benefit. Part of it was the instinctive ploy for George from trading on the old friendships of Prescott: LBJ and Prescott had sat together the Senate Armed Services Committee in the 1950s. But Bush is ultimately as is typical of him, a calculated deception. No, no, George: LBJ felt Yarborough to him have opposed on the Viet Nam, but LBJ is a has-been in 1970, and it is Tricky Dick, that tells you to make your Senate bid in 1970, and which sweetened the pot with lots of money and the promise of prestigious posts, if you do not.
In September, the New York Times reported that Nixon is actively recruiting Republican candidates for the Senate. « Implies that he will participate in their campaigns and offer jobs to the losers »; ‘Financial aid is suggested,’ said [fn 28] subtitles. It was more than suggested, and article listed George Bush as the first on the list. It has proved that Bush’s Senate race was the single largest outbreak of Nixon efforts throughout the country, with the President and the Agnew active on the ground. Bush would receive money from a slush fund of Nixon referred to as funds « Townhouse », an operation in the orbit of creep. Bush also received the largesse of the W. Clement Stone, a magnate of Chicago who gave much to the 1968 Nixon Campaign insurance. Friend of Bush tower was the Chairman of the GOP Senatorial Campaign Committee and help former campaign of Bush, Jim Allison, was now the Deputy Chairman of the Republican National Committee.
Bush himself has been installed in the coils of the bureaucracy of GOP fund-raising. When in may, 1969, Nixon Robert Finch cronyism, Secretary for health, education and social welfare met with members of the Republican Club Boosters, 1969, Bush was with him, as well as the Tower, Rogers Morton and the Congressman Bob Wilson of Califronia. The Boosters along amounted to be good for about $1 million in funding for candidates from the GOP in 1970. [fn 29]
In December 1969 it is clear to all that Bush would get almost all of the money in the coffers of Texas GOP and Eggers, candidate of the ruling party Governor, would be hard indeed. On 29 December, the Houston Chronicle front page said: « money GOP to back Bush, not Eggers. » The Democratic Senate candidate later accuse crowd of Nixon’s ‘trying to buy’ the senatorial election for Bush: « Washington has been shoveling so much money in the George Bush campaign now the other Republican candidates across the country require an accounting, » said opponents of Bush. [fn 31]
But this opponent was Lloyd Bentsen, not Ralph Yarborough. All calculations on the 1970 Senate race had been disrupted when, at a rather late hour, Bentsen, pushed by John Connally, announced his candidacy in the Democratic primary. Yarborough, busy with his work as Chairman of the Working Committee of the Senate, began its campaign to the end. field of Bentsen was to attack the anti-war protesters and radicals, depicting Yarborough as being a leader of the extremists.
Yarborough had lost part of its vim over the years since 1964, and turned in support for more ecological legislation and even some of the anti-human « population planning » measures that had been proposed by Bush and his circles. But it has fought back bravely against Bentsen. When Bentsen has boasted of having done much for Chicanos of the Rio Grande Valley, Yarborough replied: « what Lloyd Bentsen never did for the Valley? The Valley is not for sale. You can not buy people. I have never heard him do anything for migrant labour. Everything I’ve ever heard her father was working these wetbacks. Everything I’ve ever heard, it was them wetbacks exploiting, « said Yarborough. When Bentsen has boasted of his record of experience, Yarborough contre-attaque: « the only experience that my opponents have had is in the financial interests of big business. « They have both shown marked insensitivity to the needs of the average citizen of our State. »
On 2 may, Bentsen defeated Yarborough, but an era ended in politics in Texas. Win 10 to 1 of Bush in its own primary on his old rival of 1964, Robert Morris, was small consolation. Whereas it had been clear how Bush would have run against Yarborough, it was not at all clear how he could differentiate itself from Bentsen. Indeed, for many people the two appear to be twins: each was a tanker from plutocrat of Houston, each of them has been aggressively Anglo-Saxon, each of them had been to the House of representatives, each posted a record as an aviator of World War II. In fact, all Bentsen had to do for the rest of the race was to appear plausible and polished, and left democratic leadership advantage in registered voters, especially in the rural areas of the yellow-dog Democrat, do his work for him. This posture Bentsen was punctuated from time to time by calls to the conservatives who thought Bush was too liberal for their tastes.
Bush hopes for once its slick TV packaging could save him. His man Harry Treleaven was once more. Bush has paid more than the half of $ 1,000,000, a tidy sum at the time, Glenn advertising for a series of commercials for campaign for the « natural look » Kennedyesque. Soon Bush was cavorting on the tube across its arid sentimentality, jogging across the street, trotting down the steps, leaping around Washington and play touch football, always filled with youth, vigor, action and thryoxin. The people of the plain praised Bush as « Just fantastic » in these places. With future voters to him, Bush responded to all comers that it « includes, » with the fading shot out until he could say what it was he understood or it could propose to do. [fn 32] « Of course, it is difficult to be against the machine, the big boys, » said candidate Skull and Bones in these places; Bush had more money to spend than even the good secured Bentsen. The backbone to pass the correct spin to Bush slogan « He can do more. » ‘It may do more’ had problems that were evident even to some of the Bushmen’s 1970: « some in the Bush camp questioned this general approach because once the programs are put in motion advertising that they are extremely difficult to change, and we think that if Nixon must be unpopular at the campaign’s end. , the line of the theme would become, « he can do more to Nixon,’ with the obvious downsides. » [fn 33] Although the tasks of Bentsen have said give him « all the animation of a corpse », it was more substantive than Bush, and he went along.
Were there any questions that might help George? His ads put his opposition to school busing to achieve racial balance at the top of the list, but this corner-monerging got nowhere. Because its servility to Nixon, Bush had to support the word of an « annual, guaranteed income » which is the label under which Nixon marketed Slavic workfare labor program already described, but for many people in Texas that looked like a new gadget give-away and Bentsen was quick to take advantage. Bush boasted that he had been one of the original sponsors of the Bill who had just semi-privatized post USDA as the Postal Service. Bush came as a « fiscal conservative », but it was also a great help against Bentsen.
In an interview on women’s issues, Bush joked at the outset that it there was really no consensus among women-« the concept of a feminist movement is unreal – you can’t get two women to agree on anything whatsoever. » « On abortion, he commented: » I realize this is a politically sensitive area. » But I believe in right to choose women. It should be an individual case. I think that ultimately this will be a constitutional question. I favor a federal law of abortion as such. « After 1980, for those who choose to believe, this changed to the strong opposition to abortion.
An issue that helped Bentsen was « inflationary recession », also known as stagflation. « I think that [the President] should use the moral suasion of the White House to help keep wages and prices within reasonable limits, instead of following policies that have almost 2 million Americans their jobs without stopping the inflation, » said Bentsen. Bush was stuck with parrotting the lines of the 1970s model Nixon, who was all ready for a fence.
Nixon and Agnew would help Bush? Agnew message fell flat in Texas, because he knew that it was too dangerous to try to get to the right of Bentsen and attack from there. Instead, Agnew crossed the follwing contortion: a vote for Bentsen, said Agnew public Lubbock and Amarillo, « is a vote to keep President William Fulbright of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee », and it wasn’t that ‘want Texans at all. Agnew tried to Bentsen in the same boat with « radical Liberals » like Yarborough, Fulbright, McGovern and Kennedy. Bentsen called Agnew pass in Arkansas and fight with Fulbright, and that was all.
Nixon himself might help Bush? Nixon campaigned in the State. Bentsen then told a group of businessmen ‘Anglo-American’: Texans want « a man who can be used alone, without be supported by the White House.
Ultimately Bentsen beat Bush by a vote of 1 197 726 to 1 035 794 of Bush, about 53% to 47%. The official explanation of Bushman who was there were two amendments to the constitution of Texas on the ballot, one to allow of saloons and the other to allow to all the non‑producing lands to be taxed at the same rate as farmland. According to the apologetics of Bushman, these two proposals have attracted so much interest among rural conservatives ‘yellow dog’ 300 000 additional voters are released, and this gave Bentsen his critical margin of victory. There was also speculation that Nixon and Agnew had attracted so much attention that more voters had come out, but many of them were supporters of Bentsen. On the night of the election, Bush said that he « felt like general Custer. They asked him why he had lost, and he said « there were too many Indians. » All I can say at this stage is that there were too many Democrats, « said the losing fresh on two occasions. Bentsen suggested that it was time for Bush to be appointed to a position within the Government. [fn 34]
Another consolation for Bush was a telgram dated November 5, 1970:
FROM PERSONAL EXPERIENCE, I KNOW THE DISAPPOINTMENT THAT YOU AND YOUR FAMILY MUST FEEL AT THIS MOMENT. HOWEVER, I AM SURE, THAT YOU WILL NOT ALLOW THIS DEFEAT TO DISCOURAGE YOU IN YOUR EFFORTS TO CONTINUE TO PROVIDE LEADERSHIP FOR OUR PARTY AND THE NATION.
It was euphemistic way of reassuring Bush Nixon that they always had an agreement. [fn 35]
Return to Table of contents
1 see Fitzhugh Green, George Bush, p. 92 and Bush and gold, impatient, p. 90.
2 remarks Stevens were part of a « Frontline » Public Broadcasting System documentary programme entitled « campaign: the choice» November 24, 1988. Quoted by Fitzhugh Green, p. 91.
3. The Chronicles of the Harris County GOP, see local press articles available on microfiche at the historical society of Texas in Houston.
4. « George Bush vs observer Editor, »the Texas Observer, July 23, 1965. »
5 Texas Observer, October 14, 1966.
6 Bush and gold, impatient, p. 91.
7 Joe McGinniss, the selling of the President 1968 (New York, 1968), pp. 42-45.
8 see Karnik, bipartisan Texas, p. 111.
9 Congressional Quarterly, President Bush: the challenge (Washington, 1989), p. 94.
10 Harry Hurt III, « George Bush, brave boy », Texas monthly, June 1983.
11 New York Times, January 24, 1968.
12 New York Times, may 7, 1968.
14. the account following Bush’s Congressional record on population and related issues are is derived from innovative research by Kathleen Klenetsky, who the authors are pleased to recognize their debt. « The material that follows contains sections of Kathleen Klenetsky, »Bush Backed Nazi « Race Science » « , Executive Intelligence Review, may 3, 1991, and federalist, 29 April 1991. »
15 New York Times, April 11, 1968.
16 Bush, impatient, pp. 92 – 93 and green, George Bush, pp. 106-107.
17. see Robert Sherrill, the follies of the oil from 1970-1980 (New York, 1983), pp. 61-65.
18 New York Times July 22, 1969.
19 Sherrill, p. 64.
20 Norman Mailer, Miami and the siege of Chicago (New York, 1968), pp. 72-73.
21 Richard Nixon, RN: the memoirs of Richard Nixon, p. 312.
22 Congressional Quarterly, President Bush (Washington, 1989), p. 94.
23 Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1968 (New York, 1969), p. 251.
24 Jules Witcover, the resurrection of Richard Nixon, p. 352.
25 Lewis Chester et al, the presidential campaign of 1968 (London: Deutsch, 1969), p. 622.
26 Chester et al., p. 763.
27 Houston Post, October 29, 1970.
28 New York Times May 13, 1969.
29 New York Times, September 27, 1969.
30 Bush and gold, looking forward, pp. 98-103.
31 Houston Chronicle, October 6, 1970.
32 see « Pipes with Lloyd/George, » the Texas Observer, October 30, 1970.
33 Karnik, bipartisan Texas, p. 148.
34 Houston Post, November 5, 1970.
35 Bush and gold, impatient, page 102.